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    Government

    Public Procurement Podcast –

    Podcast bringing public procurement issues to a lay audience. Interviews by Dr. Pedro Telles

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    Latest Episodes:
    #33 - General Election Special 2019 Dec 02, 2019
    Show notes

    The General Election 2019 Special with Albert Sanchez-Graells

    865px-2019UKElectionMap.svg.png

    A conversation with Albert Sanchez-Graells from the University of Bristol about the public procurement policy proposals in the Lib Dem, Labour and Conservative manifestos.

    Topics covered in the podcast:

    • Buy British and industrial policy

    • Outsourcing/NHS/Late payments

    • Sustainable procurement

    • Data

    For now this is a one off, but there is hope that the podcast may resume on a regular schedule in 2020.


    #32 - Pedro Telles (Swansea University) Mar 16, 2017
    Show notes

    What do low value contracts, framework agreements and Brexit have in common? Interview with Pedro Telles about low value contracts, framework agreements and what impact Brexit may have on public procurement in the near future. Pedro is a Senior Lecturer in Law at Swansea University and was previously a Lecturer in Law and Public Procurement Law Specialist at Bangor University's Institute for Competition and Procurement Studies. This is the final episode of the PPP (and a double length one) with the interview conducted by Albert Sanchez-Graells from the University of Bristol. TranscriptThank you very much Albert for accepting the request to be the host for the podcast because it’s the last one and I wanted to finish in a slightly different note than usual, so I thought it would be interesting to actually put myself at the end of the microphone and be on the hot seat talking about procurement instead of making the questions, and putting the head on the other people.Yes, I’m sure that you feel very uncomfortable now in that chair?Actually, I do [both laugh].So Pedro, I think you have lots of things about low value contracts, this is something you’ve been writing about for the last what, four or five years, so what are your thoughts on that now, how do you see it coming in the future?Yeah, that’s true, I’ve been thinking about low value contracts, i.e., contracts which are valid below the new financial thresholds for the last five years I think, and over the years I became very surprised with the way they were treated and actually their importance in the overall picture of public procurement regulation. I would say that firstly it’s important to talk about them today in 2017 because the thresholds that now determine the size of the internal market for purposes of public procurement are going to be revised by 2019, or at least it’s expected that the commission will look into them in 2019. And it can go either way, they can go up or they can come down. They have been very stable for the last 20 years, mostly changing just because of exchange rate fluctuations between the euro and the special drawing rights of the IMF, but come 2019 we may have a more significant change in terms of what are the contracts that are covered by EU rules via the thresholds. Now the current system is perfectly arbitrary, it’s set without any specific reasons, so that the threshold values that we know and have been using for the last 20 years or so, there’s no actual substantive reason for them to have the value that they have. And in consequence is that above the thresholds you apply the full might of EU rules and below the threshold you apply essentially national rules with exception of the contracts which are considered to have the certain cross bordered interest, which I’ll mention in a second. Now one of the interesting consequences of this arbitrary distinction is that in reality only around 17 or 18% of public procurement expenditure is actually covered by EU rules. So only the tip of the iceberg is actually subject to directive 2014 24, and the other directives as well. Which has led me to question a little bit the logic of the system, which is why would we focus the most important rules in just a small subset of contracts? As time has went on and I looked into a little bit more detail with what’s happening with the contracts below the thresholds, I was even more surprised with the way that they’re treated, and going back to the topic about the certain cross border interest test that was created by the Court of Justice first, with the Telaustria case may be 15 or 16 years ago, and has been upheld with variations ever since, effectively this means that for the contracts below the thresholds they will only be subject to the EU principles, if the contract itself has or is able to attract an interest from an economic operator based in another member state.The Court has been fluctuating a lot between what is certain cross border interest, what is not certain cross border interest, and effectively this means to me that the Court has probably painted itself into a corner. In the sense that they are enabled to clearly provide a set of rules, or guiding principles that can be consistently applicable to any given situation. And the reason for that being that by subjecting the application of the rules to whomever comes to the contract or is actually interested in contract, we are subjecting the rules of the contract, or the procedure to a condition that is uncertain at the beginning. And that for me it’s a critical mistake and it’s a critical error from the legal system because you’re not providing any sort of legal certainty, for the public procurer they start the procedure, they don’t know at that moment in time if they’re going to be covered or subject to your rules in this case, the principles from the treaty, so equal treatment, non-discrimination, transparency, or depending on who actually comes up to the contract, if they’re going to be subject only to the national rules, whatever they may be.But Pedro, if I can push you on that, because it’s very clear conceptually, but then at the same time every system has some sort of requirement for transparency and competition and proportionality, so what is in the principles that makes people so happy about them?I suspect that it’s probably the fact that it means that in one way or another there’ll be subject to EU law and they would prefer to be subject only to the national law, whatever that may be, I know that in many member states there is a fully fledged legal regulation for those contracts, whereas for example here in the UK there isn’t, I mean if you look at the Public Contracts Regulations, as we did with our commentary, there is some regulation but it is very light touch and very modest in a sense. So I suspect that the problem people have is exactly being subject to those principles that are coming from EU law and not from national law. And obviously applying principles, it’s always prone to a significant degree of uncertainty in terms of what actually is included and contained within that principle. Whereas if you have national rules which may contain the same or similar principles, the national rules would be… one would hope, a little bit more detailed and prescriptive. So I think there’s a degree of legal uncertainty, but the biggest criticism that I have for the role of the Court of Justice in all this process is that it has effectively created the perfect "Schrodinger’s cat" of public procurement in a sense, that any given contract below thresholds may or may not at any given moment in time be subject to EU rules, i.e., the principles, or subject only to national rules, depending on the actual economic operators that turn up to the contract, or to the procedure.Yeah, or even that could have turn up.Or even that could, exactly, so it’s even more complex than that. So I’m really not happy with the solution that the Court of Justice has reached and I think that it is time that the Court actually looked at it with a fresh pair of eyes and reconsidered its approach. Now looking also at where the thresholds came from originally, I wrote a paper about that a couple of years ago and I was very surprised by again not finding any particular justification for the thresholds, and if I may use an analogy on this, let’s imagine that what we take now for granted, at least for now, free movement of people, or free movement of goods or services, they apply to all situations, without any question, without any reservation, and they’ve been in the treaty since 1957. What I think is the original scene in procurement is that we don’t have a similar approach or the treaty’s do not take a similar approach in 1950s and it was only in the ‘60s via the original directives that procurement was subject to positive rules and not only negative rules. Now when those positive rules came in they came in and allowed the member states to try and negotiate a degree of protectionism, for the national markets, and we can see that in the ‘70s in the way that the original thresholds were introduced, and you can clearly see that in the ‘80s when the threshold for works which was one million ECUs at the time I think, was increased to five million on the run-up to the negotiations for the Tokyo round, or the Tokyo agreement of the GPA, where works were the included as part of the GPA, and were included precisely at that level.So as we’d accepted from the beginning that all public contracts would be subject to free movement and subject to this possibility of any economic operator participating without any discrimination, without any question, I think that the procurement landscape would be very different and we would not have thresholds at all. Now the other level of my criticism regarding the thresholds is that at least what they are today, we effectively we’ve got an internal market that is determined by external commitments, i.e., by the commitments that the union has accepted within the GPA. So the thresholds that we have today, that they’re in the directive from 2014 and they were updated afterwards, they are the exact same thresholds that the union has accepted within the GPA. Now the GPA as an agreement, or has a group of bilateral agreements effectively, implies that we are determining the size of our internal market, not by internal pressure or by internal drivers of the union, but by our ability to negotiate with our external trading partners. And that for me doesn’t make a lot of sense, effectively what we’re saying is that the internal markets, it’s not just us inside the union that decide what is internal market, it’s our ability to compromise with our trading partners that is going to determine the internal market. Again I don’t think that makes a lot of sense, I think that the union should be more ambitious and should accept that lower value contracts today also are part of the internal market and one of the reasons I think about this is if you look at our improvements in productivity have crept up over the last two or three decades, they have made it possible to actually… economic operators in other member states to compete for more and more contracts with the lower value, and I suspect that one of the areas where this is going to be more visible quite quickly, it’s going to be with contracts that have a digital nature, they are digital by default and digital only. So services, contracts that can be delivered over the internet, whatever they may be, whatever the actual object, for me, from my perspective today they are cross border, or they are bound to generate certain cross border interests for sure, because the opportunity and transaction costs of actually bidding for those contracts and delivering those contracts is much lower than it was to sell physical goods 20 or 30 or 40 years ago. So I think that if I could accept in the ‘70s that the member states would use the argument of opportunity costs, or transaction costs to block the application of EU rules to traditional goods and services and also works, today I think it’s less likely that that argument holds, but certainly it does not hold for digital contracts.I think it’s very interesting, I think in terms of the relationship between the GPA and the directives, and particularly here in the UK this is something that people are starting to look at in lots of detail, because of Brexit and we may talk about this later, but how do you see the convergence, because if we push EU rules to extend corporates down, would it be all the way down to any value, or would we end up with a triple layer regulation where we would be looking at the really high value contracts, we will be GPA plus full EU rules, and then a sort of weaker EU regime for lower contracts, and then still as more domestic threshold, how would you see the final map once rethinking takes place?Well as you’ve mentioned a few minutes ago that already happens to a certain extent with many member states, so Portugal, Spain, Czech Republic, Slovakia, Finland, Poland, those are the ones I know, they already regulate contracts below thresholds, and there is I suspect in most cases a very light touch regulation for really small value contracts and that varies from country-to-country, but the vast majority let’s say from 10,000 euros or 15,000 euros up to the value of the thresholds, they’re subject to rules that are similar to the ones that are already contained in the directives, albeit slightly, one would hope at least slightly lighter. So that multiple layering of regimes already exists, what this would do if you lower the thresholds for let’s say 10% of what they are now, is that we would have a lot more harmonisation of procurement rules across Europe in terms of the coverage of contracts and coverage of procurement spends, that is out there. So whatever option we prefer, we always going to end up with multiple layers of regulation, so it’s just a question of defining where the boundary for each one of those is going to be?Yeah, I think that’s right, I mean there is also an element of interaction that probably will bring us to the next topic, but also the more aggregation of demand there is, and the more that use is made of framework agreements and dynamic purchasing systems, then the more span of reallocated towards larger contractual mechanisms that then would be covered by the euros as well, so I think it’s right to say if you want to have a sort of homogenous spread of spend covered by EU rules, we need to move the threshold lower so that those member states that are behind in adopting these frameworks and [?? 14.19] still get more spend covered by EU rules. Otherwise finding of the ones that are more advanced in the procurement are the ones that are also more subjected to EU rules, than the other way around.Yes, no I think you’re absolutely right, and it’s another point that is interesting to mention here in terms of currency fluctuations and in terms of value, which is the exchange rates that then determine which are the thresholds for each member state, that does not have the euro as an official currency, or is set every three years as it is for the euro denominated currencies, or the euro denominated countries, but it doesn’t take into account fluctuations doing those two years, so you may have for example a contract which in euros was covered, and I’m thinking about the UK of course, a contract that two years ago would be covered both in the Eurozone and also in the UK, that because of sharp fluctuations in the value of sterling it should no longer be covered because it’s much lower, or it’s much higher than it needs to be. So that is another problem of using money in value as a proxy, for a potential interest of a contract for an internal market, so I suspect that going forwards, I think you’re right, that if we don’t change the threshold values we’re going to end up with a system whereby you’ve got some contracting authorities, in some member states which would have most of their procurement expenditure covered with the directives, and most contract authorities in most member states, not… and that’s what’s already happening to a certain extent because as I’ve said only 17% or so of the procurement spend is actually covered by EU rules.So yeah, I think you have plenty to write about this in the next couple of years as well.I do, I do, I haven’t finished it off yet [laughs].But then at the same time you’re starting a project, right, because I think you’re seeking funding for work on frameworks, so that’s the other area of interest that you have at the moment?Yeah, yeah.So what are your thoughts about frameworks, dynamic purchasing systems and all these crazy things?The first thing that comes to mind when I look at framework agreements is that they are a product of their time, a little bit like the thresholds, they are a product of the ‘90s and catalogue purcha…

    Full show notes at the publisher

    #31 - Francesco Decarolis (Einaudi Institute for Economics and Finance) Feb 15, 2017
    Show notes

    Reputation and corruption in public procurement Interview with Francesco Decarolis, Associate Professor at Einaudi Institute for Economics and Finance in Italy. Francesco is currently a Research Fellow of the National Bureau of Economic Research. He was recently awarded ERC Starting Grant to investigate reputation and corruption in public procurement. iTunesTranscriptHello, Francesco, welcome to the podcast.Hello, thank you for this invitation.Francesco, I usually like to start the interviews by getting the guests to speak a little bit about their background. Could you tell us a little bit more about yourself?Yes. So I have been working in the last 12 years in the USA, so as you were saying, I completed my PhD in Economics at the University of Chicago, where I focused on the analysis of auction and procurement markets, which is a rapidly growing and very successful area of economics, with a broad range of applications, from auctions and procurement systems that government use to various private sector applications.. Examples include spectrum, allocation for telephone operators, the allocation of oil and gas exploration permits, and really almost every other area you can think of. My origin is Italian, and while studying in the US, and learning about this new area of economics, I realised that there was a big discrepancy between many of the economic models and the practice. The actual way in which certain procurement, important procurement markets, were arranged, and that it was particularly interesting to try to bridge what was in our economic textbooks with what was happening in the practice, because these textbooks were missing some key features of the real-world environment. But also these real-world environments, and the rules under which they developed, were sort of addressing in an imperfect way, in a potentially problematic way, some of the real problems that they were facing. And so this is how I began to build a career as a researcher in the area of auctions and procurement. My studies are based mainly on the empirical analysis of auction and procurement data, but also with some focus on the underlying theory.What brought you back to Italy, then?So, in essence, the ERC grant. I worked in several universities in the US. Most recently, I was at Boston University, in the Department of Economics, and while I was there, more precisely I was on sabbatical at Stanford University during the Fall 2015, I learned that I was the recipient of one of the ERC StartingGrants for economics. This grant is an absolutely fabulous opportunity to allow me to conduct research on areas of public procurement that I did not have the time or the resources to explore before, but that I always found very interesting and fascinating. Especially the use of past reputation in public procurement and the role of corruption in procurement. And the reason why I mentioned that I didn’t have the resources is also that for doing some of these studies, especially the one that I’ll be glad to tell you about in a few minutes, I collaborate closely with contracting authorities that implemented these rules, and working with the contracting authorities to try out different procurement formats, evaluating from an ex-ante perspective how to design the new auction formats, then doing the work of collecting the data, analysing, possibly having multiple meetings, both with the contracting authorities and with the suppliers, are very time consuming activities. And so thanks to the ERC grant, I have now all the financial means to perform these activities. Hence, I was very happy to relocate back to Italy. Right now, I am in the Einaudi Institute for Economics and Finance, which is an institute created by the Italian Central Bank to be an excellence in the study of Economics, and here in this institute, several important researchers for the area of public procurement have affiliations, as well. Giancarlo Spagnolo and Elisabetta Iossa for instance.Very well. So, if you could drill a little bit into the details of the grant, and the research, what are you actually going to be looking at, more specifically?The premise is that when we think about contract procurement, two features are absolutely crucial. The first is that it is unavoidable that there is some cost uncertainty at the time of bidding. So regardless of whether the procurement is a very complex contract, for instance, for the construction of new military equipment, or whether it is a contract for something easier like repaving a road, there is intrinsic uncertainty. Even in repaving a road, typically the bidding takes place several months before contract execution, and what the weather condition, what the cost condition will be at the time of the execution of the contract, cannot be known for certainty by the firms at the time of bidding. Second, coupled with this intrinsic uncertainty with contract procurement, there is typically a difficulty to verify ex-post performance and to eventually enforce penalty in all those cases where things have not followed the original contract specification. This is a feature that makes contract procurement very different from the type of auction markets that the economics literature has extensively analysed, and for which a lot of important results have been established. For instance, if the auction entails a transaction that will clear right after the auction, think about the auction for a painting, in which individuals or firms bid, but then the transaction clears immediately, then the kind of problems and the kind of solution are extremely different, relative to those of contract procurement, and in particular, in contract procurement, this issue of the ex-post life of the contracts becomes crucial, and makes competition - which is the typical tool that we see as being so important and so effective in auction - a double-edged sword. Things can go pretty bad if competition is pushed and exacerbated in an environment with cost uncertainty and difficulty to verify performance, ex-post, because firms that are unreliable are willing to offer a low price at the time of the auction, might not perform as they should afterwards.So what does the private sector do in the face of this? Well, a series of things. It can require financial guarantees, like bonding, letters of credit, and it can embed the decision maker to use some form of discretion in selecting bidders. So discretion in the form of contract, or awarding method, negotiations vs auction, or also - and this is typically the case - discretion in the use of past performance. Just think of a very simple example: when you’re renovating your apartment, the past performance of the firm that work with will certainly play a key role in your choice, and this is widespread in the private sector. Now, what is remarkable about public procurement, and especially European public procurement, is that the use of past performance is strictly limited. To be more precise, until very recently, until the latest round of European directives, the use of past performance was strictly forbidden in Europe. And this is peculiar, not just because it makes the public sector so different, relative to the private sector, and potentially it limits a great tool to prevent the problems that I was mentioning at the beginning, of poor performance, but also because it puts the European system at odds with the US public procurement system. In the US, in a nutshell, since 1994, there was a major reform of the Federal Acquisition Regulation, that put past performance of contractor at the heart of the system for selecting suppliers in federal procurement, and the main idea was exactly that of mimicking the good practices of private sector. Now, Europe is gradually moving towards something similar, but very, very slowly, and we are still far away. So what I want to study with this piece of research that I am now conducting is to what extent this reform tried by the US, and other possible reforms, based on the role of past performance in public procurement, can be an effective way to combine improvements in performance together with, still, the objective of limiting prices. And in particular, what I wanted to understand, and study with this research, is how to combine the use of past performance within system of awardings based still on auctions, on transparent auctions, and in particular, how to change from price only auctions, or scoring rule auctions, that do not include reputation, to price plus reputation auctions. So scoring rule auctions that included reputation. So how to measure reputation and how to include reputation into the scoring rule, and then quantify how this matter, how this approach could impact both the performance delivered and the cost of this potential improved performance. So this was the key idea of this piece of research, and the implementation of it is something that is still ongoing, but I have some preliminary results that, if you are interested, that I am happy to discuss.And we will do that in a minute. Before we get to that, I would like to go back to something that you said about taking into account past performance being strictly limited. Yes, and no. It’s true that you cannot, in EU procurement, use past performance to assess the quality of a tender. You can use it, however, to assess the quality of a tenderer in a previous moment to the actual bidding. So, for example, if you have a restricted procedure, if you use a restricted procedure, you can use, and you can allocate significant points, number of points, to the performance of the economic operators coming to the auction, or coming to the procedure. With the open procedure, it’s a little bit more complex, especially now with the changes that have been introduced, but it can also be done in a certain way. So, from my perspective, and obviously I’m coming from a legal background, so from my perspective, what you’re suggesting could fit within the current rules, and the current rules exist for a very good reason, or a very reasonable reason, at least, which is to ensure equal access to the markets, not only to companies with a huge trading history, but also to companies that do not have a lot of trading history with the public sector. So that’s why you have this clear separation, and this clear rule based on the principle of equality, to make sure that companies or that tenders, at the tender stage, are analysed on as much of an equal ground as possible.I have two answers. One is about what the current rules say, but the second is even more important, because you have mentioned what I think is really the greatest departure in the view between economists and legal scholars. So let’s jump absolutely into this, and great that you asked. Why you said, essentially, that the rule to limit the use of past performance is there for a good reason? Because you want to keep an open market. Now, this is absolutely, absolutely at odds with how economists see the problem. Why? Don’t we care about open market and new firms and preferential treatment? Of course we do, but the issue is that you are sort of tying the hands of these public administration in a way that is not realistic. In a sense, whenever you are specifying how past performance shall be used in a contract, you must also specify how firms with little or no reputation must be treated. Now, the fact that you are using a system that is based on reputation does not necessarily mean that you are going to say, “We are going to use past performance for those who have, and for those that they don’t have it, they cannot enter the auction.” You can say something completely different. You can say, “We are going to use past performance for the firms that have a past performance, and for those that don’t have it, we are going to give the maximum points, or the minimum points, or the average points, or points estimated in a certain way.” This is what we call a design issue. It’s completely in the hands of the designer., You can think of the designer as whoever writes the law, the rules of the game. So, what happens to firms with no reputation, to new entrants, to firms that also have, maybe, little reputation, is the result of a designer’s choice. And so it’s something that can be optimised and tailored to the market. The most important thing, the only message that I want to communicate is that you don’t have to see that there is a necessary block created for new firms from the use of past reputation, because it’s fully a designer choice, what happens to new firms. So tell me if this sounds convincing to you or not, because this is really something which seems to be misunderstood in many discussions about past performance, like those on the potential implementation of a reputation system in the European Directives, and I’ve seen this in the debate around Article 57.Yes. In which the European Directives 24 2014 has introduced some use of past performance, along the lines you were mentioning at the beginning of your remark, and I see that the point that you mentioned, the criticism that you mentioned, was really prominent there. And tell me if I manage to be clear or not, because this is a key point. It’s really a designer’s issue. So things should be decoupled. We should first decide if we want to use past performance, because, if we think it’s important. Then we can argue, “What’s the best way to treat new firms?”I gave you the opinion, the general opinion from legal scholars, and why the rules are why they are. In my opinion, as time goes on, I think that you are on the right track in the sense that there is a lack of reputation being actually taken into account in a good way. That doesn’t mean that it’s quite easy to do within the logic of the system, which is to ensure that both new entrants, and older entrants, are not discriminated against, because even with the design, and yes, it’s a design issue, even with the design, it may be very difficult, in practice, to actually making sure that the compensation given to the new firms actually does not create arbitrage, because if it makes life a lot easier for new entrants, then what’s going to happen is that the existing companies, or existing economic operators, will create shell companies to actually be as fresh entrants into the market.Absolutely.There’s a risk then if you think about how the system works in general, and I’ve mentioned this in previous podcasts, the public procurement rules in Europe exist not to enable great procurement. They exist to avoid really, really bad procurement. So avoiding corruption, avoiding making stupid mistakes, those are two of the key objectives of procurement, not to be economically efficient, because if you’re designing a system to be economically efficient in terms of public procurement, we might end up with something very different from what we have now. So my perspective, and my personal view, is that yes, we should be moving towards a system where reputation is taken into account. So, about a year, or two years ago, I remember writing a blog post suggesting that perhaps we needed something like the eBay ratings system, or Uber, where both parties of a transaction, at the end of a transaction, are compelled to provide feedback on the counterparty, on some sort of exchange that is public, and that anyone can consult, and you end up with a registry of reputation for both the contracting authority and the supplier. So we actually address the reputation issue from both ends. I haven’t written anything more specific about it, but that was something that I was thinking about, because even for a supplier, it’s important to know how reliable the contracting authority is, because…Let me tell you a story, if you want, exactly on this. So in Italy, following this directive, and the implementation of Article 57, in the Italian Public Procurement Code, there has been a lot of debate, and essentially the authority in charge of super…

    Full show notes at the publisher

    #30 - Niels Uenk (Public Procurement Research Centre) Jan 20, 2017
    Show notes

    The challenges arising from procuring long term social services Interview with Niels Uenk, part-time Researcher at the Public Procurement Research Centre a joint interdisciplinary research centre of the universities of Utrecht and Twente. Before joining academia Niels worked 5 years as international consultant in supply chain and logistics optimization. He specialises in public procurement of long term / social health care services. iTunesTranscriptHello Niels, welcome to the programme.Good morning Pedro, thank you for providing me the opportunity to talk about my research.My pleasure, so Niels you have a mixed background because you’re working in academia but you’re still connected to practice, so can you give us a little bit of a flavour of what’s your actual background?Yes, so after graduating my Masters in industrial engineering and management I worked five year in a private company called ORTEC like you mentioned in supply chain and logistics optimisation, and after five years I was ready for a new experience and I joined the Public Procurement Research Centre which has quite a unique position for me. Half of the time I get to work on my PhD research and the other half of the time I do paid work, so research and advisory work for other institutions, and basically to finance my PhD and that allows me to do my scientific research. Most of the other work I do is actually in the same area, so focusing on the procurement of social care services.And have you been doing that for long?I’ve been doing that since, well late 2013, starting my research around early 2014 actually.Moving onto the actual research that you’re doing, can you provide us with a little bit more detail what are you actually doing your work on?Yeah, and I’ll pay a bit attention to the context in the Netherlands as well, so my research focuses on the procurement of social care services, and in healthcare procurement we distinguish between two types: you have procurement for healthcare which actually boils down to buying anything from rubber gloves to equipment that is necessary in the process of providing healthcare, for example a buyer in a hospital, that is on the one hand, and on the other hand we identify procurement of healthcare, so actually buying the healthcare services often from healthcare insurer point of view, or from a public body’s point of view, buying or commissioning healthcare services. I strictly focus on the last part, and it’s a very relevant topic, I focus on the long-term care services, for example home care and a lot of care services that are not medical in nature, so it’s not fixing broken bones, or doing surgery, but it’s rather the type of care services that allow people with a disability or people that come of age to keep living on their own, to participate in our society, so it’s for example mental therapy for people with anxiety disorders, or also sometimes pretty straightforward assisting elderly with doing their tasks around the house, cleaning their house, and in doing so it prevents those people from having to move to an institutional home for the elderly. Especially in developed nations, the expenditure on these kind of services is rapidly growing and it’s one of the main concerns and challenges in healthcare for a lot of developed nations as well that the expenses and the expenditure is quickly growing because of for example the greying society. So in the Netherlands for example we spend about 15 billion euros a year on these kind of services, both for adults and for youth and it’s actually growing at a rate of 5% or 6% a year, much faster than our economy is growing, so that provides a challenge.A lot of other countries, the UK, I think the most countries in the OECD face similar challenges.That is true and it’s certainly the case here in UK.Yeah, in my research context what is very interesting is that in 2015 in order to do something against these rising costs and also to improve the quality, in the Netherlands we underwent a massive system reform where these services were previously centrally coordinated and centrally arranged (and procured), responsibilities switched, moved to local governments, so the municipalities, we have about 400 in the Netherlands, from 2015 became responsible for arranging and thereby also procuring these social care services. It was one of the biggest system reforms in the last I think 60 or 70 years, the budget involved like I mentioned is about 15 billion euros and the municipalities got a lot of freedom to actually manage these services to their best insight. That creates a very interesting situation where a lot of municipalities are choosing different ways of commissioning these services, choosing different ways of paying for these services, they are designing their own system of how people should apply for these services and a lot of different approaches are visible right now which for me as a researcher is obviously a very interesting position because I actually get to, on the one hand investigate how municipalities are approaching the procurement and the commissioning of these services, and then see if the difference between those approaches actually results in better or worse care for the citizens. So that is basically the main topic of my research, how are there municipalities contracting this care and does a different approach need to improve quality, reduce costs, etc.It’s interesting because my impression here in the UK is that long-term care services are procured by local authorities separately from healthcare, so and one of the discussions that I’ve seen over the years popping up time and time again is actually merging long-term care or social care with healthcare procurement, because at least in UK there’s the view that by keeping them separate each one of those two systems tries to shift patients to the other system so that they don’t have the cost.Yeah.So what’s the experience in the Netherlands if it’s possible to find any kind of information about it right now?One of the reasons for decentralising long-term care to municipalities is in fact to try and bundle a lot of responsibility within this social care sector with the same organisation, so that the municipalities have a very wide responsibility right now for any kind of support, social support, social services that may be necessary within the situation of a client, so before for example the social care for youth was very fragmented in the Netherlands, where provinces had responsibility for one part, regional offices of healthcare insurance agencies were responsible for a different part, and the local government and the central government was responsible for a third part and all these different parts have now been combined and made the responsibility of the municipality. Indeed there is still a distinction between the private, the curative healthcare procurement, so the procurement of hospital care and basically any type of care that actually involves medical care, (and the social health care procurement, red.) there’s still a division, and there is still also debate on whether certain types of care will be decentralised in the future as well, in order to optimise and be able to manage as integrative care system as possible. But for now these types of social and home care, as they are quite different from the medical care you receive in the hospital, the municipality already have quite a lot of responsibilities as they have right now.Moving onto the research that you have actually done so far within your PhD, as far as I know you’re doing it in a similar way to one of my previous guests, Suvi Taponen, you’re basically doing your PhD by publications, am I correct?Yeah, that’s correct.So what have you been doing so far and what have you concluded in terms of research?One of the first things I started to do, I started right in the year 2014 when all the municipalities have had to contract these homecare services, and what I did was, well I wanted to find out to what extent these municipalities took different approaches with respect to procurement. They all came from the same situation: before 2015, the procurement was standardised for the entire country, the same products, the same tariff structure, the same procurement procedures were applied. The first thing I did when I started was to collect the procurement documents and tender procedures and any kind of information on how municipalities actually procured these services, for as many municipalities as possible. So I started making a database with all the tender documents, all the contracts I could find, and most of the municipalities actually published these services, or these contracts which in 2014, was not actually required from public procurement regulations because these services are actually back then part of appendix 2B-services (EU regulations on public procurement, red.) that were exempt from most of the public procurement regulations. The municipalities, most of them, published their contracts anyway and I made a database of that and the database I have has about 95% coverage of all these tender documents of all the municipalities, so there are approximately 400 municipalities, I have the tender documents about 385.That’s a big dataset.That’s quite a big dataset, I have to say thank god for me most of the municipalities actually also collaborated, so it actually boiled down to 90 different tenders, still it’s quite a big dataset because most tenders, well if you have seen public tenders before you know they can contain quite a lot of different documents and quite a lot of extensive documents.The next thing I did was, well to actually build the database with analysis of these tender documents, of well about 20 different factors ranging from aspects of the procurement process: did the municipality collaborate with the procurements, how big was the collaboration in size, how many different municipalities joined, what kind of procedure did they follow and then there was a lot of negotiation going on and a lot of dialogue in those procedures, was the procedure open for any kind of care supplier or did the municipality invite a selection. I also analysed the content of the contracts: what kind of products did they procure, did they simply copy paste the product lists that was used before 2015 or did they create new products, what kind of reimbursement method did they apply. So I analysed all those tenders based on all these factors, also what kind of tariffs did they pay and I created one quite big database based on the procurement approach, each individual municipality or collaboration took, and it is actuallynow my starting point to also write scientific papers based on this dataset. So I have the first paper out, it was just yesterday accepted at the IPSERA conference, so I’m very pleased with that as a competitive paper, where I will present the results. In the paper I first do an analysis on what kind of aspects are relevant to study based on literature (on service triads, red.) and I then present the approaches of the Dutch municipalities, how they went about with respect to the relevant aspects.You’re still working in practice so you’re just doing the research part-time and working at the Public Procurement Research Centre in a part-time basis, so from your perspective what are the challenges of managing this joint or dual track kind of life, managing research and practice side-by-side?Let me highlight first the good things about it and then the challenges, obviously or what I really like about the joint work is I get to apply the knowledge that I find from the research and I get to directly put that in practice, or make use of that in practice, so more and more municipalities are inviting me to come and talk about my research, they want to know how do other municipalities tackle certain problems, they want to have an overview of different approaches that may be possible and well because I analysed that for my research I have a nice overview and I can directly put that into practice. Also, sometimes municipalities or also care providers, well they have like quite practical problems or issues they deal with, and it also keeps my research relevant to practice, because I’m not just doing some very theoretical research, because I know what kind of issues the practitioners face, I can also know what kind of relevant research questions I should focus on to actually be able to do research that is directly relevant not only for the scientific community and for our knowledge, but also for practice. Now that’s what I very much like about my position, one of the main challenges and I think every part-time researcher will provide the same answer is that for my work related activities there’s always something, there’s always a deadline and there’s always something waiting for an answer. And for my PhD that may also be the case, but the deadline is always a bit more soft, or if I don’t do the work this week well nobody is going to shout on the phone to me that I haven’t... so one of the big challenges is actually to on a weekly basis make sure that I also spend enough time on research, and yeah, I don’t have a very strict planning that the university keeps me to from when I should finish this article and when I should finish that article or that paper, but that actually increases the risk of not doing enough research and letting your agenda be dominated by the work related activities.It’s interesting that you’re highlighting that because I felt exactly the same thing when I was doing my Masters, maybe 12 13 years ago, and I was working as a lawyer at the time and I just could not pull it off, exactly because what you’ve said, because if you have work related commitments they tend to have very tight turnaround timescales attached to them and certainly as a lawyer that was the case, there’s always stuff that needed to be done in that day, so you keep on pushing out for later and later those deadlines that are not as strict, and it’s almost like an adult version of the marshmallow test that it’s done with kids, so that if we delay gratification and actually work on those softer deadlines we’re going to be better off on the long-term instead of just fighting fires every day. But I could not pull it off so I ended up actually once my decision was made to do a PhD in actually moving full-time and I never considered even the possibility of doing it part-time as you’re doing so I have a huge respect for the researchers that are able to do those two different jobs and roles at exactly the same time because I find that incredibly incredibly challenging. Now one of the things that I really liked when I was a PhD student is that my supervisor was very, I wouldn’t say strict, but very assertive with deadlines, and that is something that over the years once I became PhD supervisor myself as well I found to appreciate more and more, which is it’s important to give PhD candidates a certain structure and a certain timetable that builds on them a certain rota or a certain way of doing work so that they can expect to submit a piece of work, be it a paper, be it a chapter, half a chapter, 5,000 words, whatever, with the certain cadance, i.e., a certain number of words, a certain number of pages every four weeks or every six weeks because that creates the habit of producing work constantly. And that worked really well for me as a student and it works well for most of my PhD students as well, so sometimes I think, and I have these discussions with colleagues, that we sometimes leave PhD students to their own devices and say, okay, they’re doing a PhD so they’re supposed to be autonomous, it’s up for them to manage their own time. And that is sometimes very hard and especially I would say it’s doubly hard for people like yourself when you have other competing interests, in this case actually a part-time job elsewhere.Yeah, it is for me one of the main challenges, an…

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    #29 - Suvi Taponen (Aalto University School of Business) Dec 19, 2016
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    Risk management in outsourcing of health services Interview with Suvi Taponen MPA, a Doctoral Researcher at Aalto University School of Business, who also works as a Procurement Consultant. She will defend her thesis entitled ‘Improving the efficiency of public service delivery through outsourcing and management’ in the beginning of 2017, and she has worked previously at Hansel, the Finnish centralised purchasing body. The conversation is focused on the management of outsourced healthcare services, the core of her research. TranscriptHello Suvi. Welcome to the programme.Oh hello Pedro. Thank you.Thank you very much for accepting to be interviewed. I really like to get as many interviewees as possible from various backgrounds, so could you describe a little bit what is your background please?Oh yeah, sure. And thank you for asking me to participate. It’s really a great honour. I’m happy to speak with you. My educational background is in public administration so while I was doing my Masters I studied public management and also public law, and in my Masters thesis I got involved with public procurement. I guess that’s the initial reason why I ended up here where I am at the moment. And after graduating as Pedro you mentioned, I was employed by the Finnish central purchasing body for the government and I worked with Hansel for four years. In the beginning I was an assistant responsible for contract management and after one year I transferred to a sourcing consultant’s role which meant that I was then, I wasn’t working with framework agreements that much anymore, I was consulting individual procurement that the Finnish ministries and other organisations such as the universities that are funded by the government were doing. At the time I mostly worked with IT purchasing but also quite a lot with services. And after two or three years of practising I kind of felt like well I know there’s quite a lot of inefficiencies, the way that the government organisations operated, not only within their procurement functions but also mainly with how they were purchasing and why they ended up purchasing and at what stage of their planning of the year or planning of their service delivery. And that’s how I ended up considering taking up a PhD and well that’s almost an accident. I just dropped a casual email Aalto University School of Business and then I was connected with the right person who is now my supervisor. At that moment I wasn’t to be honest that serious about it, I was, and then, well then actually Professor Katri Kauppi asked me to come over and then we ended up talking and we definitely shared the same ideas and also shared the same ideas about how the public sector should be developed, especially in the Finnish context.So I started out my PhD as a hobby, as crazy as it sounds. I was, in 2014 I was still working as a full-time consultant for that centralised purchasing body and then I was doing my research on the weekends. I already had the idea of starting off with looking at the make-or-buy decisions but I was really interested in the reasons of why public sector is outsourcing its services and what are the reasons behind it and is it always sensible to do that?So that was the main motivation for my PhD because in Finland maybe you wouldn’t think that as we have been one of these traditional welfare states but outsourcing public services has been a really popular trend for maybe almost twenty years now. So it was really interesting in that phenomenon that what are the reasons and it felt like, and to be honest it still feels like that the outsourcing decisions are too much based on ideology and political agendas. So that was the main motivation for my whole PhD, directly into that issue, the outsourcing of services in the public sector context.Did you think at the time it was important to answer that question or look into that question?Oh yes. Because there were quite a few, of course the papers love to cover, especially the cases when outsourcing goes wrong, and it seemed like there weren’t too many facts presented in relation to analysing the results of outsourcing. So I had this doubt in my mind that maybe outsourcing, yeah,I think I kind of changed my mind, but in the beginning I thought that outsourcing maybe should be used more, that maybe public services should be outsourced more, they were outsourced at the time but then I realised that I need to look into the facts and provide some proof that would support a statement.That is a very good point because it’s part of the process of doing a PhD is that we always carry with us our preconceptions and say “oh we think we’re going to find x” or this is what you’re going to be arguing at the end. And based on my own experience and also my experience of supervising PhD students, that often is not the case in reality, is that you actually changed your perceptions as you do the PhD, which shows that you’re actually doing a PhD and you’re just not trying to find only the sources that confirm your pre-existing bias?Mm. Yeah, you’re definitely right. It’s you always have these ideas that you think that you’re going to be able to prove. But I think, yeah, I agree with you definitely that it’s extremely important and an essential part of the PhD process to accept that facts aren’t like you hopefully thought they would be and accept that, you know.So you decided to do that research into outsourcing. What methods did you deploy in the PhD?Mm, yeah. My PhD it’s an article-based PhD so it means that actually within one PhD thesis I have done four individual pieces of research. So they’re all individual research projects with different kind of methods and they kind of go through the outsourcing phase. So I started off with make-or-buy decisions as I mentioned and that’s a qualitative case study with a comparative perspective. So what I did, I had eight cases in total, four of them were from the public sector side and four of them were from the private sector, and well looking back now being a bit critical I noticed that maybe I should have included a bit more organisations but the small number is explained by the fact that as I wanted to compare the make-or-buy decision processes, like what triggered the process and what kind of criteria was used, I recognised that I need to have service deliveries that are actually identical in both sectors and those kind of services weren’t that easy to identify. And then in the end I went with occupational healthcare, translation services, leasing services, so that’s funding and also taking care of all the IT equipment and then customer services. So I was only able to get those kind of cases in Finland and four of those services.So then what I did, I collected interview data from each case organisation and also used some written material I was able to get from some of the organisations which for instance described their decision making processes, if they had a model for that and so on. That was the first paper.So that was the first paper that you did, so you did a qualitative case study…Yeah…and took a comparative perspective? Well I mean as you’ve highlighted it’s important to make sure that you can actually compare and be sure that you’re comparing apples to apples and not apples to oranges because otherwise you’re screwing up the data. So that was the first one you did. What did you do after this qualitative case study?Yeah. Well actually I used that same data for the second paper or second article of my PhD as well. So at the same time when I was collecting this data I also asked the interviewers in the organisations about the transition phase because in all of these cases, eight cases, the result was to outsource all of the service delivery or outsource a part of that. So then also in the interviews I discussed with them about management of the transition phase and also contract management. So then the second article of my PhD which is actually also my first publication that is about to come up, it’s already available online which is really exciting, so yeah. So this second article was also a comparative study between the public and private sector but the perspective of the comparison was a bit different, as in the first paper the comparison is about identifying best practices from both sectors and, well we’ve been resubmitting the paper quite a few times, in some versions we are actually offering the recommendations for both public and private organisations but in the second paper it’s all about public service management.So then in that paper the perspective is to use the private sector’s data to identify best practices that public sector organisations could absorb and implement. And I think looking back now that was a bit more, or is a bit more successful perspective as I recognise that in many of these ideas that I’m looking into, especially the make-or-buy decision, it’s really largely and already covered in the private sector’s specific research context. So the article is really, there’s practically nothing new if you put that in the private sector context but then if you especially try to make contribution to the public sector side, then it might provide more novel contributions.On that note, I mean one of the things I find important to always take into account when you’re looking at private sector practice and how it could be transferred into public sector is how do you account and how do you control for the differences in terms of decision making and especially in terms of incentives between the two kind of organisations?Yeah. Especially in the public service management paper we recognise the fact that it’s an issue that private sector organisations that are able to incentivise, provide incentive, monetary incentive, so promise more salary, higher salary if a person delivers better outcomes, but at least in Finland the contracts that the public sector employees have and what the unions have negotiated on behalf of the employees and also the employers is that they are not able to offer a similar kind of contract to their employees and incentivise achieving their outcomes for the service delivery.. And actually in some cases this has led to outsourcing services to private sector so the flexibility that they have in their contracts with their employees, so definitely you’re onto something when you bring that up.Okay. So that was the second paper. Can you talk briefly about the next two please?Yeah, sure. So then moving onto the third paper and it’s actually, yeah, that was a good thing that you brought up the specifics of the public sector organisations and how can you, how you cannot actually compare them entirely, the private sector, this was really highlighted in the third paper of my thesis which is about the risks of outsourcing a health service function.So just to provide a brief background about that, in Finland it has been a huge trend to outsource. Some of the municipalities that at the moment still are responsible for delivering healthcare, they have actually outsourced all the services that they are responsible for providing to private organisations. So there has been a big trend of this total outsourcing in relation to healthcare. So my third paper I have, it’s a single case study from a medium sized city in Finland which has, the city has twelve outpatient clinics in which it provides primary healthcare and the city had already outsourced two of these outpatient clinics. And then actually from a private health service provider I got the information that now they are thinking about outsourcing more of these outpatient clinics.In the third paper I combined, well it’s not a, I shouldn’t call it a survey but what I did I interviewed their whole project team that was preparing the invitation to tender and the suggestion from the City Council how the outsourcing should go about. At first I sent them a questionnaire and they all listed what kind of risks they see involved in this outsourcing idea that they were planning on and they gave values to these risks, two kind of values on the Likert scale, 1 to 5, how likely is the risk to realise and how bad are the outcomes, or what’s the impact of the outcomes if the risk realised? And after the interviewees had filled these blanks then I did interviews with all of them. And in the interviews we discussed the risks that they have identified and then we also talked about the state of risk management at the moment within the city and they also shared some experiences that they had from the previous outsourced outpatient clinics that they had. And actually my idea was to do a bit of a longitudinal study but what happened I was able to publish that paper in relation to the IPPC7 conference last summer. So it ended up being a bit, the scope wasn’t as wide as I figured in the beginning but it’s actually quite nice that then I had all the, as you have a limited amount of characters for the publications I was able to actually focus on what are the risks in the outsourcing consideration phase and how the contracting authority should mitigate these risks during the quantitative tendering procedure.And now as my thesis is under pre-examination I’m actually continuing this research. So I went back a year after the interviews with the city and its employees and asked how the risks had developed within the year and what was the result of the tendering process, and now I’m actually, it is pretty exciting just Tuesday this week I also did interviews with the selected supplier so they are now also sharing with me the perspective on risks that they had while they were preparing the tender and now, and when the service is actually already running so from the transition phase.And is it working well?Yes. The results are good but actually doing the tendering process they, we identified that there’s a political risk involved as I mentioned that the final outsourcing decision is made by the City Council in Finland in the local government level. So what it means that the civil servants they’re preparing the suggestion and what they suggested was that they should outsource two outpatient clinics but what the City Council ended up deciding is that they only outsource one. And now looking back the civil servants still were, there were a bit heated discussions when they looked back to the decision because they really thought that the politicians were, there is an election coming up next year, yeah, so they were really frustrated with the fact that they felt like the election had more impact on the decision that the facts that they provided so…That’s a great example of the differences between dealing with private sector and public sector?Yes, definitely. So they’re really happy with the one now, the outcome of the outsourcing in terms of the one outpatient clinic, but the problems that were driving outsourcing and triggered the consideration they still exist within the outpatient clinics because obviously the politicians didn’t actually have the means to improve the state of the service delivery internally.Okay. And what about the final publication, the final article?Oh yeah, the final article I actually did with, that wasn’t, all of these I did while I was working at the Aalto University School of Business but last spring I spent at King’s College Policy Institute in London. So my final article is in the UK context and in the context of National Health Services, so NHS, and that’s about looking at the purchaser provider relations after outsourcing has been done, so it’s looking at contract management. And it’s, we had the, yeah, I did that with Saba Hinrichs-Krapels from at King’s College and what we looked at was how to cooperatively develop care, the outcomes of care, then you have outsource delivery, and that was also a qualitative case study. We had, in England there are these Clinical Commissioning Groups that are responsible for purchasing care and I think there are more than two hundred…

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    #28 - Baudouin Heuninckx (Belgian Armed Forces & University of Nottingham) Dec 08, 2016
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    Defence procurement in the European Union iTunesInterview with Baudouin Heuninckx, Chief Counsel of the Belgian Armed Forces Procurement Division and a part-time academic at the University of Nottingham and also the Belgian Royal Military Academy. He has just published a book on defence procurement as of November 2016 entitled The Law of Collaborative Defence Procurement in the European Union. TranscriptHello Baudouin, welcome to the programme.Thank you, Pedro. Good evening.I’m going to start by doing something that I usually don’t do is tell a story about the guest, in this case you. So for the benefit of the listeners both myself and Baud did our PhDs in Law pretty much at the same time at the University of Nottingham and I remember one day having a conversation with our supervisor, Professor Sue Arrowsmith, about supervision of PhD students and she was very adamant that a PhD was a programme or a project that needed to be done full-time and she was never very keen in taking part-time PhD students, but there was one exception and there was this guy who worked for the Belgian military and I think did not have a legal background but actually has a very keen interest in studying law and doing research into law. So she was very relaxed into having as a part-time PhD student that particular person, in this case Baudouin, and I’m not aware that she has had any others ever since. So, Baudouin, starting by that story, how did you end up doing a PhD in Public Procurement Law?Well, actually at the time I was working for an international organisation being detached from the Belgian Armed Forces and I was finishing a Masters degree in EU Law and writing my final essay on public procurement. And I was asking myself why does that organisation I’m working for not apply the EU public procurement directives. At the time there was no defence and security directive but there was still the 2014 Directive, and I asked a number of people including the legal advisor of the organisation and I didn’t get any satisfactory answer. Actually at some point he told me that as my job was not dealing with legal issue, I had to stop bothering him and I started asking that question to other people working for other international organisations and I never got any satisfactory answer, either. So usually when you’re asking a question and you don’t find anyone who can give you an answer, that’s a good topic for a PhD, I think.That is correct. However, you don’t have a background in law, so you did the Masters in Law but that was part-time too, am I correct?Yeah, that’s true. I’m an engineer to start with.That was almost ten years ago. I think we started our PhDs more or less at the same time, 2007.Yeah, exactly.So you did your PhD and you kept on working first at that international organisation and then back into the Belgian military or the air force? Yeah.What led you then to afterwards actually writing a book about defence procurement in the European Union?Well, the funny thing was that on the topic of my PhD I was thinking that, yeah, I would just start by reading the existing literature on the procurement rules of international organisations and I didn’t find anything. Basically there is a lady in Italy [post-interview note: Elisabetta Morlino] who has done a PhD on that topic at about the same time as us but next to that there’s basically nothing, so going further than that “if you have a question nobody can answer, you can do a PhD on it” and if when doing your PhD you realise that there is basically no literature dealing with the specific topic of your PhD, it’s worth making a book about it.So you had the idea of doing this actual book while we were still doing the PhD? About the end of the PhD, yes. Let’s say the last year. I did the PhD in four years part-time. About the last year of the PhD I really had the idea that a book was useful.And what were you trying to achieve with it?Well, first of all to try to raise the awareness of the people dealing with those large collaborative procurement programmes in the defence sector, you know, those when a number of countries decide to buy together some piece of equipment, fighter aircraft or battleship, and because I’ve realised that the legal background or the legal structure of those programmes has never really been subject to a model or to an analysis, so to try to get some structure, get some order into what people are doing in all those programmes.And in terms of findings, what did you find when you were doing that kind of work in that kind of analysis of the collaborative procurement projects in Europe in the field of defence? Well, first of all that not many people are actually asking themselves questions about what legal framework and legal structure are applicable to those programmes and actually it’s quite complex because you have national law or domestic law that rules on the decision of the participating states to participate in the programme. Obviously that’s influenced by EU procurement law but that relationship is not that clear. And then you have the relationship between the states that participates in the programme and that’s in public international law, and then you have the procurement rules of the organisation or the entity managing the programme itself and that can be international institutional law or that could be domestic law influenced by European law. So that’s really, let’s say, a nexus of domestic law, international law and EU law, and it’s quite complex and not many people are actually aware of that complexity.That makes perfect sense in terms of what you just described because every time I talk with people that, in an area that has nothing to do with defence, let’s say, normal procurement, they think about doing collaborative procurement themselves and I just always ask myself, okay, right, so you want to do some procurement with another organisation in another member state, what rules will apply? So it’s going to apply the national rules of your country, national rules of the other country, your rules, international law. It just becomes very, very complex very quickly. So in the field of defence procurement, how are those issues solved?Basically I don’t think many people have been asking themselves the question. As long as each country follows its internal law and regulations in deciding to participate in a programme, I don’t think many people ask themselves the question if what is going further, especially the procurement rules of the organisation, are in accordance with EU law or if they should be in accordance with EU law. I think that people are getting a little bit more sensible or sensitive to that topic, but yeah, that’s still an open issue, I think.Why are people getting more sensible or sensitive to that topic?First, because people are starting to talk about it, the fact that I’m making regular presentations and writing articles on the issue is probably raising the awareness of people about what they’re doing. And second, because, especially in the field of defence, the European Commission is more and more trying to close all the loopholes that were allowing the EU member states to do a little bit what they wanted within the defence sector.But they still pretty much can do what they want. I mean, looking at the directive 2009/81 the limitations imposed on member states are fairly light and flexible in comparison with, say, the general procurement directive 2014/24.That’s true and that was one of the reasons why the defence directive was adopted because there was a view from the member states and from the defence industry that defence was too complex to have strict rules to be followed like open procedure, restricted procedure, and that more flexibility was to be allowed, so what did the Commission do? The Commission gave them a directive that gave them that flexibility. Now obviously – or maybe it’s not so obvious – one of the reasons why the member states wanted flexibility was to award defence contracts to their domestic industry but obviously they could not say that.So, as I wrote in one of my articles, actually it’s a kind of trick or treat game between the member states and the Commission. Member states said we want more flexibility, the Commission said we give you more flexibility but then you have still to comply with the principles of non-discrimination, equal treatment, transparency and so on. So the Commission is actually waiting for very obvious cases of, let’s say, breaches of EU law to send some EU member states to the Court of Justice and make its point that defence procurement has as a general rule to follow EU law.And you think the practice has changed ever since the directive came into force and has been transposed into national law?I think it has changed somewhat but you still see a number of EU member states that are basically applying the directive for all procurements that’s not extremely significant or not extremely sensitive, but for major procurement they are still using the exemptions of the EU Treaty like Article 346 to still either buy from their domestic industry or to ask for the infamous or famous offsets industrial return in their countries.So it’s 2016 now, almost 2017, are offsets still a thing in defence procurement today in Europe?Oh, yes, absolutely.Really?Oh yeah, yeah. Well, on the other hand it’s understandable because – and I’m not saying that offsets are legally acceptable, that’s another issue – but from a political point of view it’s understandable because if you’re buying warships and it’s a programme that cost billions of Euros and next to that we’re telling the public that we need to tighten social security, reduce benefits, those kinds of things, how can you make the voters accept those kind of big military expenses if you cannot tell them at the same time “and by the way they will create that many hundreds or thousands of jobs in the country”? So from a political point of view, it’s a very sensitive issue and it’s basically almost impossible, especially in medium or small member states, to justify to the general public that you’re spending that much money without any return in country and that’s something that the European Commission, for instance, or some academics have some difficulties to understand. It’s true that, if you look at them from a purely legal point of view, those kind of offsets or industrial return are clearly against EU law unless you can justify them with the Article 346 exclusion, but from a political point of view it’s difficult to do away with them actually.Okay. I find that very interesting because the impression I have is by and large offsets do not work and certainly do not work as intended and that is the best-case scenario but please do correct me. And the worst-case scenario actually is that offsets work as vehicles of corruption. I’m not necessarily only talking about Europe in particular, I’m talking about defence procurement in general. You’re actually mostly right there, Pedro. Offset can work in some cases but it’s true that especially, let’s say, outside of Europe, if you don’t have the adequate industrial base to actually perform the offsets, then it’s very hard to make them work. On the other hand, and I will be a little bit cynical there, I’m not entirely sure that the governments actually...Care about the offsets....aim for offsets to work. If they work, so much the better but what they must be able to do is to make a big announcement at the time of the launch for the programme that there will be offsets and whether or not they fully work is something that comes down in the years later and people in the meantime will have forgotten about it. I’m a little bit cynical there but I think that by and large that’s an important point.The story I remember about offsets in connection with Portugal was, actually it’s two stories I think, one when we bought the submarines from the Germans maybe, I don’t know, maybe 12, 14 years ago, and more or less at the same time that we also bought some sort of armoured personnel carrier vehicle from an Austrian supplier. And the situation with the submarines was never very well explained in terms of the offsets but it was clear that the same company, of which I can’t remember the name, was involved in some corruption scandals with offsets in Greece, more or less at the same time. So there’s always these, let’s say, impression or fog in Portugal about how probably the same thing happened there but no one has actually put the finger and I don’t remember the cases making it through the courts. So my perspective of the offsets is that it’s very negative. It’s very negative because you effectively shoehorn into a contract something that is not connected with it and the company that is actually providing you with the main contract is not necessarily the best supplier to actually provide you with the offsets or actually making the offsets work in reality afterwards.Yes, well, if we can use examples, you mention Portugal, I will mention Belgium which is a case I know very well. At the beginning of the 1990s we bought helicopters and electronic counter measure systems and those two procurement were linked to a major corruption case that actually went to the courts and where, I think, half a dozen politicians at the time were actually convicted and banned from politics for having been corrupted by the companies who were awarded those contracts. So indeed offsets increase the risk of corruption, not only in developing countries but also in developed countries. And if you read the academic literature on offsets, you will see very negative views on the fact that they increase the cost of the equipment, that the quality is substandard, that there is a risk of corruption… On the other hand you can find some others who would say that actually it’s very difficult to measure the actual impact of the offsets because probably they will increase the cost of the equipment but if the offset actually worked in the sense of generating work or labour in the country, that could somehow balance itself. And the problem is that most people doing those analyses are either a little bit biased towards a completely open economy and therefore as a principle are against offsets, or are, let’s say, working on making offsets work, so they are a little bit biased in favour of offsets. So it’s difficult to actually come up with a clear conclusion with the exception of the cases where there is corruption like what we discussed before.One of the things that I’ve noticed in procurement in general in the EU over the last few years is a move towards trying to bring social clauses into procurement and here in the UK, especially in Scotland and Wales, the original governments have developed what they call community benefits, which in effect are not much different from offsets for general procurement. So, for example, the textbook example is okay, we want to build a school and we want god knows how many apprenticeships to be created and we want the local people to be employed in the actual building of the school. Irrespective of actually analysing if all these measures are legal under EU law or not, just looking at the idea and the principle, one of the risks we have is a) we increase the complexity of the procurement and b) as you highlighted we may fall into the same traps that most people think offsets are falling to, which is they may increase the cost of the main contract, the quality of the output of that offset is substandard and they actually facilitate corruption because you can route the money. Instead of making the money appear in the accounts of the politicians directly, you can route it via companies which magically are awarded the offset or awarded the work related with the offset. So is it the case that we are importing into general procurement a practice from defence procurement which is something that people usually don’t talk about?Probably it’s unconsciou…

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    #27 - Ignacio Herrera Anchustegui (Bergen Centre for Competition Law and Economics) Nov 24, 2016
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    Issues with the centralisation of procurement iTunesInterview with Ignacio Herrera Anchustegui, Ph.D candidate at University of Bergen and member of the Bergen Centre for Competition Law and Economics. Ignacio has been awarded a coveted international Scholar-in-Residence program from the American Bar and significant funding from Statoil for a post-doc. His research interests are related to the interaction of public procurement and competition law in particular buyer power in centralised purchasing. TranscriptHello, Pedro, thank you very much for the invitation, I’m a big fan of the series and it’s a great honour for me to be here and have a word with you and hopefully say something interesting about the interaction between public procurement and competition law, also especially in centralised purchasing which is the area that I’m most interested in.It’s a pleasure because I had you in the list for a long time and I was just waiting until you’ve actually submitted your PhD to do the invitation.Yes, thank you, that actually was last week so looking forward to the evaluation and see if I pass or not but we will see.Most of your research and most of your work is actually in competition law or in competition in economics so how did you end up looking at centralisation of public procurement?Well, that’s a very good question because originally my PhD topic was going to be centralisation in public procurement or buyer power in public procurement settings and originally that was the starting point but it actually faded away because my supervisors thought that the topic was very complicated which I think it is, and it ended up being purely buyer power and anti-trusts or EU competition law. So then the main reason why I ended up in this question was because I come from a country, that is Venezuela, probably linked to the fact that we have a lot of money but the money’s probably not well spent in the public procurement markets and then I was thinking, ok, what do we do from the perspective of a public buyer when we have a lot of capacity and resources to enter into a market and how does this public buyer, or buyer in general, behaves in the market and can create problems but at the same time can do things that are a positive outcome. So the way that I ended up doing also centralisation of procurement has to do with the fact that the University of Bergen, I am the person that is in charge of the course on EU and EA public procurement law so it seemed like a natural fit and then as I delved into the analysis of buyer power economics and buyer power anti-trust regulations or EU competition law regulation. Then it shifted away from being the centre of my PhD thesis to kind of like my pet topic on the side and what I do on my free time, so to speak. Yes, that’s make very much sense but if you’re doing it on the side and it’s a more complex topic, what have you been able to achieve so far in terms of research on it?Well, quite a few things actually because I’ve been looking at what is the situation, I mean, firstly I’ve been looking at what buyer power is from a general perspective and that doesn’t change too much between what happens in a public market and what happens in a private market. But when it comes to centralised purchasing and when it comes to public procurement, my interest was seeing how is public buyer power created and how has it been integrated or enhanced, for example, in the EU directives and one of the things I saw is that when I started my project, the EU public procurement directives were not yet in force and weren’t even still a project, they were not even approved and I could follow a little bit that there was a transition from, “Well, we’re creating centralised purchasing agencies,” and this is like a pilot project that happened in 2004, forwards now to 2014-24, centralised procurement seems to be a very in-fashion tool to generate a lot of savings. So it ended up being kind of a side project but at the same time very important project for me because I was able to, at the same time that I worked on my anti-trust regulation, I could also see the similar issues that happen in private markets tend to replicate in public markets. Although, at the same time, public markets are slightly different because the buyer doesn’t behave in the same way as it does in a private setting. So it ended up being a very interesting and enriching situation in which what I learned from a setting that is purely private in the terms of competition law, retro activated or helped me understanding what was going on in the public side and vice versa. So I think the combination is there and some of the problems and some of the benefits, you can see them replicated. Of course it’s like modifications depending on what kind of sector you’re talking about and what kind of buyer power is being exercised.Can you give us an example of those similarities and differences between the private sector and the public sector?Yes, of course I can give you, what is the most important similarity? The most important similarity is buyer power; it is the ability of a buyer that wants to acquire something to reduce the purchasing price he pays for whatever he wants to acquire. And this happens both in the public sector and this happens in the private sector and one of the main reasons why this happens and this is very clear in centralised purchasing in public procurement is that you’re able to generate economies of scale and economies of scale in very simple terms, not to be very jargon, means that the more things I buy, the cheaper is the price that I’m going to get, right? And this happens both in the private setting or in a public setting. In a public setting a centralised purchasing agency is going to pool the demand of different contracting authorities and it’s going to buy either for all of them or on behalf of all of them in order to increase the amount of buying ability that it has and, therefore, by purchasing more, it’s able to obtain a lower final price for each of the units and the same will happen as well in a setting of a private sector. That will be the logic that is used to say why buyer power is a positive thing in both the public sector and both the private sector, so it is seen as efficiency enhancing because it allows to decrease the purchasing price of something without necessarily having an adverse impact when it comes to the amount of goods that you buy because when the price that you pay is being reduced by reducing the quantity that you buy, that seems a bit counter-intuitive, you enter into something that is called monopsony power and monopsony power is the negative aspect of buyer power because in monopsony power, you pay less for the goods that you buy because you buy less. It’s because the way that the supply curve exists, it’s that the more that you buy, the higher the price, so you can drop the price by purchasing less but when you purchase less, you generate inefficiency in the market because you’re not buying the optimal amount of goods that are required. So this is what is portrayed as the negative side of buyer power in simple terms, it’s a bit more complicated in abstract, I think it’s difficult to grasp, but the problems exist in both markets. And let me give you another example, Pedro. For example, in the case of centralised purchasing in public procurement, the centralised purchasing is said to be positive because you manage to carry out a lot of different procedures into a single one. So you pull them together into, instead of 10 municipalities buying, each of them, their own goods, they just entrust that activity to the one central purchasing body that is going to carry out a single tender instead of 10 tenders at the same time. So not only do you obtain a lower purchasing price because you’re pooling the demand of all of this but at the same time, you’re reducing your administrative costs because you only have one tender to do instead of 10 separate tenders and that is seen as a positive thing because it reduces costs and that is something that the directive explicitly says, “Well, it is good because we’re going to obtain cheaper prices and also cheaper costs.” But at the same time, that can be also negative because what you’re doing there is creating a lot of concentration in the market where there’s only one buyer buying everything for all these other buyers so this buyer has a lot of market power and therefore makes it more difficult to, for example, I know it’s one of your topics of interest, to small, medium undertakings or enterprises to have access to those contracts because they probably don’t have the capacity or they cannot compete in pure terms of price with a larger seller. So the contract can be very efficient in the short term because you obtain a lower, cheaper price but, in the long term, you can have a problem of market concentration because the smaller suppliers cannot compete any more. And this is something that also might happen in the case of private sector and in the private sector you see that in some areas there is not conclusive data but there is some claims that buyer power, for example, in the supermarket sector creates problems because the smaller suppliers, in this case, farmers, are being pushed out of the market and I guess that’s something that we all see in the newspapers, that there’s problems between the buyer power of retail stores and small suppliers that are being squeezed outside of the market and I think that same negative side exists, may also exist in the public procurement setting, although in the public procurement setting we have different ways of doing things, especially because we can, for example, divide lots, we can divide the contract into different lots. So if we do that, we kind of put away, aside this problem or at least make it less complicated or less difficult or less prone that concentration in the market arises. I don’t know if I am being too technical or…No, no, it’s perfect. Actually, you have pre-empted my next question which is if centralisation can have that negative effect on the market, and that is certainly my view and my opinion as well, what about lots? Because lots have been bandied around as being a solution for all evils of centralised purchasing but personally I’m not entirely sure because, on the one hand, you’re effectively creating, again, the same transaction costs as you would if you had just different procedures. That’s the first one, and the second one is if the lots are not done well, you’re actually facilitating the collusion in the market. Yes and I fully agree with you and it’s a little bit of self-advertisement but last week a book came out in which I wrote about this, I wrote about what happens when you try to centralise and at the same time you try to divide into lots and those things don’t make any sense because either you do one thing or you do the other thing. And the problem with lot division is that lot division, I think, is actually a positive thing but firstly is not mandatory, member states can decide whether they want to let contracting authorities to do it or not while in some contracts I think lot division should be actually said, “In this case, you should, in 99% of the circumstances, divide into lots.” But at the same time, as you say, when you divide into lots, you end up in a problem that the cost saving that you managed to do when it comes to the tender, it’s gone or maybe it’s going to be reduced, because now you’re going to incur into a lot of expenses when it comes to contract administration because instead of having one single contract, you have maybe five or six depending on how many lots you have, and all this is going to be more contracts that you have to administer. So tender wise, it’s going to be cheaper if you centralise because you might say there’s only one procedure in which you have different lots but once you enter into the contract execution then you have the problem that you have to administer more contracts so that is also expensive for the contracting authority. The difficulty here lies in determining which of the effects is better? I mean, do we save more money by centralising the procurement and is it an efficient saving and we’re not hurting the market when we have a centralised purchasing body that carries out a lot of tenders and is this cheaper than administering five or six or eight lots? That’s one question and I think that we don’t have conclusive data on that area so it’s difficult to say which effect prevails. And then you have the other problem that you mentioned, that is the issue of it’s not only about dividing into lots, it’s knowing how to divide into lots because if you divide into lots in a way that this just makes easy or facilitates collusion among suppliers, among economic operators, then the lot division is going to carry out a negative effect in the sense that for the contracting authority, it’s not going to get a cheaper price, it’s going to get a higher price because the tenders are entering into a bid-rigging agreement because they can’t seem to distribute the lots. So, for example, if you know that you’re going to have probably three economic operators submitting a tender, you should never divide the contract into three lots because then you know they’re going to split the market. So lot division has to be done in a smart way and that is a bit difficult to know because you have to have understanding of competition economics and you have to know how the market is going to react and that is a difficult exercise for a contracting authority. So yes, I am more positive than you in a sense that I think lot division is positive if done correctly, the thing is that there’s very little indication how it’s to be done correctly according to the directive and that’s why I think that in these cases, when it comes to centralising and when it comes to lot division, what is really important is some kind of best practices. People in the central administration and people in the European Commission or different bodies in Europe should tell the contracting authorities, “We have these different tools to maximise public buyer power in an efficient way. We should be aware that you can exercise buyer power that is exploitative or exclusionary and is anti-competitive, that creates inefficiency in the market and you should use it in a positive way. And on top of that, you know that there is exists something called lot division and lot division is positive in certain times and you should consider using lot division in these kinds of ways.” So my suggestion would be we need to train people when it comes to how to carry out centralisation of purchases, what kind of things we’re going to buy and if we should use lots or not because I think lots are positive but, as you say, not always.One of the problems I have with lots is that, as you said, it’s very hard to get well but it’s also very hard to forecast in advance, let’s say, a simple solution that would work in most cases and you’ve indicated one basic idea which is if you know more or less the number of tenders are going to come up, you should always have a number of lots that is smaller than the number of tenders. Yes.But that’s pretty much and, from then onwards, it effectively implies that you know the market really well and it implies that you know or you’re going to be able to find a way to divide whatever you’re going to be doing into lots that actually increment competition and do not affect it. And personally I don’t see people in the field having that capacity to be able to do that kind of analysis.No and I agree with you. I think for the contracting authority, it’s not because the administrative personnel or the civil servant is not smart enough to know this, it’s because he’s not trained to do it and I think that’s a problem because it’s not straightforward, you need to have knowledge on what you’re buying, you need…

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    #26 - S. N. Nyeck (Canterbury Christ Church University) Nov 04, 2016
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    Public procurement governance in Africa iTunes Interview with S N Nyeck from Canterbury Christchurch University on public procurement governance in Africa. She is generally interested in the political economy of development and the role that public procurement plays in transforming institutions and societies and recently edited a book entitled Public Procurement Reform and Governance in Africa, published earlier in 2016 by Palgrave Macmillan.TranscriptI found your book when I was looking for new publications in public procurement and I really like that we finally have a very good volume, it’s not the first one but it’s a very good volume on public procurement in Africa. So why did you decide to edit this book and what you were trying to achieve with it?Well the idea of this book emerged when I attended a conference in South Africa on public procurement. What struck me at the conference was that most people attending were either lawyers or practitioners to some extent of public procurement in different institutions. My background is political science but I also have some background in law. What struck me during the conversations (pause) most presentations were really about either the legal aspects or institutional aspects of public procurement reform or some of the challenges that are faced when it actually comes to implementing a reform, but by and large the conversation was very much heavily framed by legal questions and every now and then at the end of every presentation I will hear someone say “well, well done, fine, but it doesn’t work like that in practice”. Right, it doesn’t work like that in practice, it is something that I kept hearing over and over again. And I was sitting there and thinking this is really a problem of not having the many fields that are interested in public procurement reform talking to each other, right. Legal scholars don’t necessarily engage with policy or political scientists, you have people in the business side not necessarily interacting with either legal scholars and/or political scientists. So I saw the necessity really and the urgency to talk or at least to propose a framework that would create enough synergy and allow practitioners and researchers to deal with a question of governance and public procurement in the developing and middle size countries, developing world or global south, in an efficient way.The issue here is that we are confronted with several questions. One is the issue of institutional building. In many countries this is an ongoing process, unlike developed countries. Second, we are confronted with the changes that are outcomes of reform and we are concerned also about the economic performance of reform. So in light of these concerns, in light of those debates at that conference, in light of what I know about the significant place that policy and politics really plays in any reform, in any public reform, I wanted to do something about the subject and in fact the subtitle was ‘an exploration of the law, politics, business matrix’, okay, that doesn’t necessarily appear in the final cover but that was really the intention, that was the original inception of the ideas and that is what motivated me to do or to present scholarship that is really intersectional, that shows the limitation of a one-size-fits-all approach to reform and governance of public procurement in Africa.So the starting point for the discussion is effectively your view that a few years ago when that conference happened, which was maybe 2010, 2012?Yeah, around that time.That public procurement reform and governance in Africa was being analysed only from one specific perspective or one specific discipline?Right. I think that it is not just my opinion, it is a matter of fact, okay. The impetus for reform in Africa have been concerned about global trade, okay, the idea that free trade is likely to bring more opportunities to people and government everywhere, the idea that competition is likely to bring efficiency, and the idea, really mostly arising from the experiences with government over the past twenty years or so, that there is a lot of inefficiency in government and that sometimes there might be creative ways to fulfil public missions for the benefit of the constituencies and citizens. So it is that international context that informs public procurement reform in Africa that is really, I haven’t seen one single case of substantive consultation with society, with stakeholders prior to a reform anywhere in Africa. I think it is a fair statement to say that it has been by and large a top-down model facilitated by institutions such as the World Bank to some extent by some professional organisations, but by and large this is something that in fact most people are not even aware of, you know, on average people don’t know what public procurement is about.And I tell you what, I was speaking to a group of African scholars here in the United States and I’m talking about public procurement and the importance that it has in understanding development today and in shaping really development, and as I was talking people started leaving the room one by one. No-one had a clue what I was talking about, you know, and it seemed so obscure. Now that is not necessarily the state of knowledge in Africa, it is a global trend, but what I’m trying to say is that by and large, and one measurement really for this will be to look at what is civil society doing, in which places we see an active civil society engage in say monitoring procurement, in providing feedback, that is, you have to look really hard. Nigeria in fact is the only African country with legislation that provides for civil society and professional organisation to actually be part of public procurement processes, and again that law is on the book, doesn’t mean it works effectively. But the point here is that if we were to take governance then, right, as this multi-stakeholder approach to development, it is really striking to realise that after I would say ten/fifteen years we do not have civil society involved in this. So then the question that we can answer is who else is involved? Okay, who is driving reform? It has been done by as I said different impetus. One is to bring this idea of competition which is great, the other was a concern about bilateral and multilateral trade with the EU but also China to some extent. So those sort of sources of reform are great but what I’m trying to say is that we still have a lot to do in Africa.The last point I’ll say a measurement really of how much governance is governance in public procurement is that as the recent book by De Mariz, Menard and Abeille shows is that the officers, the public procurement officers were not involved and were not thought of as a major constituency in designing public procurement reform, and that is a statement from a former World Bank director responsible for operations in Africa, right, what was thought of as a priority was really amending laws, changing laws, but not really giving a lot of thought in terms of capability. How do we actually engage? How do we train? How do we put resources so that we are renewing the public sector, we’re training more people, we’re encouraging civil society to be part of this, we are monitoring what is happening? And so if you take those two constituencies, the public servants themselves or public procurement officers and then civil society in general, you see almost nothing. A very weak patchwork of attempts to actually practice governance in the public procurement sector in Africa.I was listening to you and it reminded me of an interview that I did recently with Ana Cristina Calderon Ramirez, which I’ve just published on the podcast, and she did a lot of research into South America and how actually it wasn’t the changes in the law that led to improvement in public procurement practice, for example in reducing corruption, but it was further reforms that were done afterwards, for example the creation of regulatory agencies that had higher impacts than the laws themselves. And if you think about it, okay so it may well be that Africa is just a little bit further behind the curve than South America and the Caribbean in that sense that we start with the laws and that’s where the emphasis is happen in the beginning, and then you move on to the other elements of the public procurement stack so to speak and the next one might be the creation of regulatory agencies, might be the training of officials, of improving procurement practice. But your point is well taken is that at least for a good while the emphasis is pretty much only on the legal aspects of procurement and not the practical ones?Right. And I was saying maybe Africa is behind, I don’t think it has to be behind, right, and I think that one of the excitement that I have in studying public procurement, right, is that unlike the traditional way of understanding development challenges, public procurement really allows us to start thinking in terms of similarities as opposed to differences, right. So yes, the traditional way would be to look at what X is doing and Y is behind because Y will catch up in due time, but when I look at the United States, state level issues, I mean here in New York we just had a commission on governance in public procurement and what it was revealing were stories that are very similar to what I read in terms of corruption, in terms of networks of waste of public money. In Montreal the same, that is another commission there, the Charbonneau Commission unpacking criminal networks in the construction industry, and when you look at what is actually happening on the ground there is a lot more that we can learn from each other and this idea of perhaps one person starting and the other one catching up I think for me it is a little bit depassé, right, because the urgency, the impact is not going to wait, right, we’re not going to wait for Latin America or for Asia to do it. We say that this reform is happening and there are ways that we can contribute to inform practices and that Africa does not always have to be taking practices or theories from elsewhere. And this idea of thinking procurement as a matrix, as a law, politics, business matrix, developed in the book, is really about putting the continent at the forefront of the debate, actively contributing and giving feedback to reform and pointing to things that are not working and pointing to others that are actually working and efficient. So yes, I have no doubt that maybe in some cases some models can be replicated in Africa but in a lot of other cases I think that Africa has contributed to this debate and can contribute to this debate on its own terms.Speaking of the book, what were the major contributions and disciplines involved in it?Yes. I made a decision to really have an interdisciplinary approach to this book. And one key distinction from the previous books, two that I know of on public procurement in Africa, is that political scientist, policymakers, legal scholars, public procurement practitioners, but also really civil society contributes to the debate here. And I think that the fact that we rarely hear from practitioners and that we haven’t started really paying attention to civil society is something that this book sticks to correct. So disciplines as diverse as they can be, myself as I say I’m a political scientist trained in the political economy of development, but you will find professors of accounting and strategic management, you will find legal scholars, people coming from quantities surveying, sciences, people working at the UN and governance, and from countries as diverse as Ethiopia, South Africa, Kenya, Uganda, Botswana etc.There is a quote in the book that I quite like from your introduction and it reads “it also however acknowledges the symbiotic relation between formal institutions, society, culture and politics, as important variables that add to our understanding of what works and what does not yet in public procurement”. This is a quote from your introduction. So in the end what goes into procurement in your view?What goes into procurement is not just finite transactions, okay. So a transactional approach, institutional approach or economic approach to procurement will tend to maybe emphasise good works at finite deliveries or needs or supplies that go through a procurement. But values go into procurement, right, and power goes into procurement. These are tangible and important assets that we should also be paying attention to.Let me maybe illustrate what I’m trying to say here with an example coming from South Sudan. I had a privilege to be in the country meeting with governors in 2013 prior to the sacking of the vice president leading to the current war. And I attended a meeting where governors from different provinces were talking about, you know, what is working and what is not, and this particular governor told a story of a contractor who secured a contract from Juba and it was about land and exploiting land for commercial purposes, except he never went to the place himself and he never interacted with the populations there. So he arrives with a contract, legal contract, legal transaction, just to find that the actual land is a cemetery that has been there for a long time, and he comes in with his bulldozers, you know, trying to destroy everything because “hey I have a legal document, right, and I’m supposed to be doing this”. So right there the issue is not about the legality of the transaction, there is something else going on there and we have not paid attention to these sort of important issues.The other example that is raised, and this is coming from the book, there is a chapter there really raising the question why African government sign bad contracts, right. And sometimes we are caught up in the legality as manifest in law and written documents but this chapter does, is to really argue that the pre-award period is just as important as the award and the post-award period, right, and the contributors really show that a lot of corruption happened during the pre-award period. And therefore it’s not necessarily about legal or not legal, a different question of just human interaction, right, how they happen, what goes into it. And by the way these are not questions that are limited again to Africa, here in the United States we’re talking about the influence of money in elections and kickbacks tied to government contracts here and there, right, so we’re talking about how things such as the political process, how things such as democracy can be indirectly impacted by what happens in public procurement regardless of its legality. Other works coming from Europe, actually there is a fantastic book by Anna Maria LaChimiatalking about tide aid and development procurement in the framework of the EU and WTO laws, so this idea of tide aid, it is really about something else. It’s about value creation, it’s not just about what goes into the transaction, right, it’s about conditionality and the fact that terms of agreement are not necessarily working or supposed to be working for some parties.So what goes into this from all of these examples is that a finite’s good but they are also about political goods, they are about economic goods, and this relationship should be thought of really carefully especially when we’re talking about development, in the context of development. So formality is great, formal institutions are absolutely needed but society matters, okay, culture matters, politics matter, human rights matter. And that is these are substantive questions of equality, of quality of society when the government is no longer the source or the sole source that provides the works, good and services that we need as political entities.And you think that those problems and issues that you’ve highlighted and mentioned are they transversal to the continent or they are more prevalent in certain…

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    #25 - Ana Cristina Calderon Ramirez (Maastricht Graduate School of Governance) Oct 14, 2016
    Show notes

    Regulating public procurement in Latin America and the Caribbean iTunesInterview with Ana Cristina Calderon Ramirez from the Maastricht Graduate School of Governance on the regulation of public procurement in Latin America and the Caribbean. Ana is currently studying in-depth the creation and establishment of public procurement regulatory and monitoring entities in Latin America. She co-authored a paper entitled ‘Elements of public procurement reform and their effect on the public sector in Latin America and the Caribbean’, which was selected for a Best Paper Award in the International Public Procurement Conference 7 held in Bali in August 2016.TranscriptHello Ana, welcome to the programme.Hello. Thank you so much for inviting me.Let's start by talking about your research in the paper that you’ve published with your colleagues. What is the background behind that paper, so what led you to actually write it?Well I must say first that the story of the paper started with the research in which I have been working as part of the PhD studies at the School of Governance in Maastricht University as you mentioned before. When I was starting to explore the topics that I wanted to study, it appeared very interesting to analyse the elements of the procurement reform in Latin America and the Caribbean region, including the improvements of regulatory frameworks, the introduction of electronic government procurement tools, and the creation of specialised regulatory and monitoring procurement entities. In doing that I was looking for data, quantitative data to know and to understand a little bit more about the historic patterns of the reform and when that happened one of my colleagues and friends, Jorge Muñoz, who is the other author of the paper, and that happens to be econometrist specialised in public sector, told me about the PRODEV evaluation dataset that is compiled by the Inter-American Development Bank and that compiles the indicators related to the advances in public management in the region. So we started with him to check if there were any patterns or relationships in the reforms that have been happening and improvements with other indicators or variables including public expenditure or in institutional strengthening.A year ago we found out that the creation of those procurement agencies was very relevant during the period of 2007 and 2013. Then we were talking with the other author, Leslie Harper, who is a well-recognised Fiscal Specialist at the bank, and with Jorge and Leslie we started to have conversations after work thinking what we can do with these indicators to meet the demands of our client countries. We have been asked for more information on these issues and we wanted to fill a gap that is in the literature. So we decided to write a paper for the Procurement Conference number 7, , looking for the relationships or effects that the improvements of public procurement system have in the perception of in our region. So I should say that this is totally a team effort that combined policy and research.Sure. It makes perfect sense. But you got the idea to do that paper based on your work at the bank or based on your research, academic research that you’re doing for your PhD?Well it’s a mix, you know, because when I started the PhD as I mentioned it I started to look for these datasets, we found some interesting things and then talking to Leslie who was my supervisor and Jorge, I said “well we have so many clients needing information, policy information, we should do something with this” and she said “great”. So it’s when you find two ways that they meet together, you know, policy and research, so it was the two things.Talking about the research that you’ve done in a little bit more detail. Why is it important and what aims were you trying to find out once you started working on it?Pedro I should say that from an academic perspective, as we know much of the research in this field concerns itself with description, others with explanation of public procurement reform process. In Latin American, Caribbean region more than twenty years have passed since the reform began and since then there have been great strides in the modernisation and reform of the public procurement systems. These advances have included, as I mentioned before the creation of e-procurement platforms, the establishment of more comprehensive legal frameworks, the professionalisation of procurement officers, the use of procurement to promote social objectives, and inclusion of the green criteria in tendering opportunities.Public procurement reform in the region has been analysed in issues of the impetus of the reform, the issues and constraints affecting these reforms, partial evaluations on specific country cases. However, if you look in the literature little has been written to identify and analyse the outcomes of these reforms and the impact that these reforms have had on the perception of public sector performance. So with this paper we wanted to address those gaps in knowledge by providing a conceptual framework for understanding the context under which public procurement reforms have been carried out and examining what we have called the first generation public procurement reform elements and the impact of those elements on public sector performance.Those are the improvement in regulatory systems, electronic procurement and monitoring entities?The three of them. The creation of electronic, yeah, the law and the institutional aspect, yes. Going back to the point that you mentioned before about the policy, I think we achieved four main things that are good for our colleagues in the international development field because first we were able to provide a framework that connects public procurement within public sector literature, policy literature, although these things very obvious in the public procurement has been an isolated topic, a ghetto topic. Sometimes we know that it is part of public sector administration but there is a lack of understanding of its importance and the role that it plays. We have seen public procurement reforms as part of huge reforms, public financial management reforms or anticorruption and transparency reforms, but not as a field that has its own space. So now it’s more like it has its own agenda, so we add that into the map of public sector reform and the elements that are included in that.Second, we made an effort to clarify the effects of these reforms, both in Latin America and the Caribbean because most of the literature and policy literature covers Latin America but not the Caribbean. So here we use the dataset, the complete dataset with Caribbean countries and this is very interesting. And second, we tried to make clear what was first and second generation reforms and effects of these issues in other important sectors. Third, we demonstrated that although there is not much public procurement data as there is in other subjects, we can use real data, especially that information that has been collected by agencies, international development organisations and the countries itself. So sure we need more data and this has been an issue for so many years but now we have data and we have to work with that data so let’s start to use what we have.And finally, fourth there was something very important to us, this is a research with a policy perspective as well. Because sometimes you heard that research is research, full stop. If it’s used that’s another stuff, however we tried to combine policy and the academic world in this paper. For the people who are listening to this podcast I want to let you know that we have a big network on government procurement in the region that is called the INGP and we have so many conference as part of these network and so many trainings, and there we have heard so many people telling us that the research is very hard to understand and other papers are very light. So we wanted to combine that both academics and policymakers could enjoy and use what we wrote and more important what we found.I think that’s a very important skill. One of the things I don’t like in academia in general, and I used to be a lawyer before I became an academic, is that so many of our colleagues write for themselves and their colleagues as well and they don’t understand or they don’t make an effort to actually write aiming to generate impact or at least so that their research can be understood and digested outside academia.That’s great that you say that because that’s what we are doing now and that’s what I’m doing as part of this PhD, that is very different programme because it’s for policy people, so that helps a lot.So you’re looking at some indicators and the effects and the impact that certain reforms in public procurement had had in the Latin America and also the Caribbean. What were your main findings?I have here to make a clear point. These findings are for a dataset that was between 2007 and 2013, so let’s make that clear first. On that regard, based on the three main areas of the procurement reform evaluated we find out that the creation of a procurement agency had the largest impact on the development of public procurement systems between those years. Indeed the increase of the scoring of public procurement system in the countries where a public procurement agency was created was about 0.5 points above the scoring of the public procurement system in those countries where an agency was not created.Second, there is a link between the creation of a public procurement agency and other variables related to the perception of public sector performance and the competiveness of the countries as well.So bearing in mind that you didn’t analyse in detail the characteristics of each public procurement agency because they may be different in different countries, so that is just a general…?Yes. But as a part of the dataset you have that, you have the different characteristics so some of them are not agency, some of them are just entities or a department within a ministry. So the dataset includes that.The effect of creating a new procurement agency were also statistically significant to explain improvements in variables such as favouritism in decisions of government officials and transparency of government policymaking, the government procurement of advanced technological products and their competitive index among others. For example, with the regard to the perception of favouritism in the decisions of government officials, the creation of an agency may have helped to improve this indicator by 2.6% as a consequence of its monitoring role, ensuring that procurement processes are carried out in accordance with the country’s legal and regulatory framework in a fair and impartial manner. Additionally, by lowering the cost for entry, the procurement processes become more competitive and less likely to be perceived as biased towards a particular individual or firm. And the creation of an agency had a gross impact of 9.9% on improving transparency of government policymaking. This effect might be explained by the development and monitoring of technological tools, electronic platforms for example, when public procurement agencies are fully functional and compliant with transparency regulation.Second, there is a link between the creation of a public procurement agency and other variables relating to the perception of public sector performance, as you can see in the paper, and the competitiveness of the countries as well.We found out that the effects of creating a new procurement agency were also statistically significant to explain improvements in variables such as favouritism in the decisions of government officials, transparency of government policymaking, the government procurement of advanced technological products and the competitive index among others. For example, with regard to the perception of favouritism in the decisions of government officials, the creation of an agency may have helped to improve this indicator by 2.6% as a consequence of its monitoring role, ensuring that procurement processes are carried out in accordance with the country’s legal and regulatory framework in a fair and impartial manner. In addition by lowering the cost for entry, the procurement processes become more competitive and less likely to be perceived as biased towards a particular individual or firm. Additionally the creation of an agency had a gross impact on, let me read this, of 9.9% on improving transparency of government policymaking. This effect might be explained by the development and monitoring of technological tools such as the e-procurement platforms or e-GP systems, when public procurement agencies are fully functional and compliant with transparency regulations. Also the creation of an agency shows an impact on the burden of regulation as it brings more transparency and competition when a procurement process is planned. Because of its strategic vision and understanding of the issues that are happening in the country and the needs that the country has, the procurement regulatory agency is able to develop a clear and appropriate regulation increasing private sector trust in public procurement and generating increased participation in the public procurement marketplace.And third, the most important part I guess is that having a public procurement agency that is fully functional is absolutely critical for the reform process itself, at least in our region that has been a very important issue because an agency that is responsible for policy and monitoring is needed to balance the competing goals that the country has, whether it’s fighting corruption, promoting transparency or trying to achieve value for money effectiveness and efficiency. An office with just administrative functions and no strategic mandate, focusing only on transactions, is not going to be able or to have the incentives to advocate for deep and sustained reforms. In our region legislative and technological reforms have been very, very important but without an agency that can provide a strategic direction, leadership ambition to leverage those changes in a holistic fashion, the reforms are going to stall or be implemented in a disjointed and piecemeal way.Can you give us examples of those agencies?Yes, sure. For example Guyana. Guyana has a great law and you can call Caroline Nicholas about this to ask her. She has been there for a while and she has help us in the region for our regulatory frameworks, you cannot imagine how much. But they had a beautiful law as we said in Spanish, a beautiful law, but the implementation has been very, very hard. They started last year to have a procurement entity to be responsible of the implementation of the law, bringing more transparency by having and monitoring the e-procurement system and this has been helping a lot. The same in Colombia. Colombia’s a great example and now Colombia is very fashionable because, we are trying to modernise the public sector. The agency is new, it was created in 2011 but it started in 2012, and these years have been very important for the country in the public procurement system because this agency has given to the public procurement system impetus, you know what I mean.Yes, impetus.Now people recognise this public procurement, they understand, they know that they can take and bring to the public marketplace, they can offer, they can buy, it’s easy to understand. So that helps a lot. The agency helps a lot.Very well. Still on the main findings part of our conversation, I found interesting in your paper that you think the regulatory regime and the legal framework is not as important to improve practice or to achieve the outcomes that it’s supposed to achieve than in comparison with the procurement agencies?That’s the reason why when I started to talk and said “please we should be very careful on this, this data is between 2007 and 2013”. Before 2007 I am sure if we go before that we…

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    #24 - Warren Smith (Digital Marketplace, Government Digital Service) Sep 08, 2016
    Show notes

    The UK's Digital Marketplace iTunesInterview with Warren Smith, Director, Digital Marketplace, part of the Government Technology in the Government Digital Service. He enthusiastically and wilfully oversteps the mark to meet user needs in public procurement, in public sector procurement and contracting. He’s currently transforming the way that the public sector commissions products and services by thinking small about big problems, and thinking big about small successes.TranscriptIt’s good to have you here, I’ve had you in the list for an interview for some time. Every now and again I like to interview someone from practice, who can bring a completely different view and perspective to what we would call legal, or academic problems, related to public procurement. So it’s great to have someone with a wealth of experience working in practice with public procurement. Speaking of that, could you tell us a little bit about your background, and what is a Digital Marketplace?Sure. So I have been in procurement for 20 years now, I think. When I was fresh out of university I went straight into a procurement role. Really it’s only in the last five years, I would say, that I’ve been involved in quite transformative projects: working at scale and having a real opportunity to make a significant difference by introducing new ways of thinking about procurement and contracting.I’ve really been focusing on trying to introduce the concept of user-centred design into procurement and contracting, as well as focusing more on outcomes rather than detailed input requirements, as well as introducing open approaches. What does that mean? It’s kind of being much more open about thinking, sharing information and visions, way in advance of actually procuring: so trying to engage with the market earlier. Also open standards and open data have a very important role. For me, making things open is a really fundamental tool for disruption, I think, which we can employ in many different areas. So that’s a little bit about me. I am a member of the Chartered Institute of Procurement and Supply, but I tend not to, to shout about that, but it’s a useful background, obviously, in the space that I’m in. But really my interest is in trying to take the focus away from procurement being a driving force, and make it, rather that procurement and contracting are enablers of better public service delivery. That’s a really important point. Often people who I’ve spoken to see procurement as being the end in itself, rather than a means to an end. That’s what’s brought me into the government. I had the good fortune of being asked to help GDS towards the end of 2012. I was brought in by the former programme director for the transformation programme, which was focusing on delivering the 25 exemplar services. These were the 25 largest government services by transaction volume, and it was the start of, really, the digital by default agenda within government. At this time different policy contexts were being set, Liam Maxwell, the former Chief Technology Officer had been brought into GDS to bring about reforms in the way that the government thinks about, mainly digital and technology. My role was to help rethink procurement in order to support those reforms of digital technology in government. So I’ve been here since 2012, and just something to correct you on, Pedro, and this is hot off the press, this week I’ve been appointed as the Digital Marketplace Director. Having been through an interview process, I’m now no longer the interim director, I am the appointed Digital Marketplace Director. Congratulations.Thank you very much…Speaking of the Digital Marketplace, what are its objectives, and what are you trying to achieve with it?I think you summed it up quite nicely in the introduction, but basically we are all about helping the public sector buy what it needs to deliver great digital services.This is a key strategic component of the technology group within Government Digital Service, and it’s important that I just go back to that mantra there of helping the public sector buy what it needs to deliver great digital services, because that, again, is the outcome that we are trying to support. Everything we are trying to do is about transforming procurement so that it can help that aim of better public services that are digital by default. We are looking at the entire, end-to-end process of procurement and contracting, and focus on the areas where we think we can make the biggest difference, deliberately, taking thin slices out of that end to end process, applying user-centred design to that, and then iterating wildly, so that we can continue to deliver better procurement and contracting experience for buyers and suppliers. Those are our real primary user groups: buyers and suppliers. At the moment we are looking at frameworks quite specifically. I know you, yourself, have spoken about that in some of your publications, Pedro, and I think there’s a real interesting opportunity here. Within the digital and technology space in government we are looking to disaggregate large requirement sets into capabilities that meet user needs, and thinking more about how we might diversify and open up supply chains into government. Actually from that what you can then start thinking, is that the work packages and the contracts change into shorter term, lower value and quicker delivery [pieces of work]. So therefore, the sub OJEU threshold might actually be a really interesting, untapped opportunity there. We’re developing the Digital Marketplace so that we can award a framework agreement, then provide an end-to-end buying process where buyers and suppliers use the framework, get through the evaluation process, award a contract, get on and do the delivery, using things like the Open Contracting Data Standard to improve the quality of the data that’s actually the published automatically out into wherever, contracts finder or similar.Can you give us examples of changes and simplifications that you’ve done to the procedures and contracts for the digital services framework?Well, actually, we started on that with the G-Cloud framework, Pedro. G-Cloud 7, as in the seventh iteration of the G-Cloud framework, was the first time where we ran the entire OJEU procurement through the Digital Marketplace, so that enabled us to really challenge the -- I have to be careful of my use of the word “challenge” describing procurement -- but challenge CCS and government legal department to think differently around what are traditionally the selection and the award questionnaires that you would normally see. We looked closely at the invitation to tender templates as well as the framework and call off contract itself. That was where we changed the supplier application process. A supplier simply had to complete what was called a supplier declaration, where they answer a series of questions which typically would have been the selection questions. That became a page, or several pages within the Digital Marketplace where we reused the gov.uk design patterns for form elements to ask the right questions in a different order than normal. What we wanted to do was ensure that if a supplier was new to government, or even any supplier, it was easy for them to quickly decide, “Is this an opportunity that I want to go for?”. We wanted them to be able to make that decision as early as possible in the application process, for them to be able to decide, “Actually, no, this isn’t for me, I’m going to decline,” rather than going through a load of questions, only to realise that actually, “This isn’t an opportunity that either I am interested in, or isn’t relevant to me.”It follows the principle of fail early, fail fast. We found that what might seem like a logical order of questions to a procurement person or a legal person, wasn’t a logical order to a supplier, and we’ve found that out through quite simply asking the suppliers, and undertaking user research with the suppliers to understand, well, ‘what are your needs, and how can we design an application process to better meet those needs’? That was really a fundamental point in time where we changed a supplier’s experience of applying to be on a government framework. That’s really the first moment where a supplier who maybe has not previously been interested in doing business with government, that’s the first moment where we’re saying, “Hey, come and get involved with government,” and so we think it’s really important that that first experience is actually a -- dare I say it -- a delightful one…!That was the first thing. And then the learnings and the insights we gain from that, we’re able to then apply to subsequent framework applications. Digital Outcomes and Specialists (DOS) was the next framework where we really fundamentally redesigned a broken framework. The digital services framework had received quite scathing coverage within the technology press, labelling it not fit for purpose, talking about the relationship between GDS and CCS as being “dysfunctional”, so we had to, and…..Yeah, absolutely. This was escalated to quite a senior level within government, so we had to make a difficult decision which was, we can’t continue with the traditional approach of delivering procurements and contracts in government. We needed to stop, we needed to take a different approach. And that was where we agreed with CCS and Government Legal Department that we would form a multidisciplinary team, we would use the GDS design principles as our guidance on how to design and deliver user-centred frameworks and procurements, and using the body of better practice that is the service design manual to basically guide us in all of those things. The approach was: working in an agile way; being open; being more engaging with the market to design a completely different framework agreement. And also going live with what we classed as the earliest, what others would say is the minimum viable product, but actually we wanted to call it the earliest usable product. This was the buying journey of digital outcome specialist within the Digital Marketplace, so that needed some handholding with CCS to say, “Look, it’s okay to go live with a product or a service that is not complete, because there is no better thing than putting it in front of real users, who are using it for real,” so that we can actually get feedback from those users, by those suppliers, about how is it working. To answer the question: ‘What do we need to change’? We could also to use data, as well, analytics from the usage, to inform our iterative service design. That’s never been done before in government, and I’m always proud to be able to say we’re chalking up quite a few government firsts here. My next thing, which hopefully we’ll go on to talk about, is just the fact we can iterate and incrementally improve a procurement and contracting experience for buyers and suppliers. This is a massive paradigm shift, I think, in government procurement.It is, because usually what I’ve seen over the last, let’s say, 10 or 15 years of working in procurement is that once a certain procedure or practice is developed, and usually it’s done organically without any research and looking at what actually works, and without considering the impact it may have on the supplier side, once that is done, it’s done, and it stays there. There’s no incentive and there’s no work to revisit what is being done today, to say, “Okay, if you were redesigning it from scratch, how would we do it? And how would you improve it because you now have different technologies, you have different techniques, you can do things differently?” that doesn’t happen in public sector in general. I don’t see this as a criticism more than as a statement of fact. So a few years ago, as you know, when I was working with local councils to improve their practice in contracts below the thresholds, that was very obvious, that I looked at procedural, or documentation for the public procurement procedures that you’re following, and you could see it growing up over the years, with new stuff being added without any consideration exactly about what is happening, or what are the reasons for those extra questions or extra elements of fact or whatever to be added into the mix, and I think it’s very important to get out of that frameset, and instead look at what is being done today, and say, “Okay, do we really need to do this? We really need to improve this.” On that note, bearing in mind that you’ve done a lot of work in simplifying contracts and procedures, have you seen any correlation, or at least relation, between simplifying the contracts and procedures and increasing the participation of SMEs in public procurement?Absolutely. There is a strong positive correlation. I think, if I state that correctly, that we’ve seen just by simplifying the application process and being more open and describing our intent and what we need, and describing the contractual situation in plain language, I think that we can demonstrate a significant difference between digital services framework, which is the one that was receiving a lot of the criticism, which had something like 150, 160 suppliers on it, across the UK, to Digital Outcomes and Specialists which now has over 1,200 suppliers across the UK, and over 90% of them are SMEs. Now, what that is is us creating the opportunity for these suppliers to do business with government, because as we all know, being on a government framework is no guarantee of every actually winning any business, right? But at least we have created the market so that these significant number of suppliers now have that opportunity.So getting that step one right is really fundamental, because unless you open the door, you’re not going to enable those suppliers to be able to win the business. That’s the first step. What we now have to do, and we’re still relatively in the early stages of Digital Outcomes and Specialists, which only went live on the 27th of April, the day before my birthday. We’re approaching three months of usage, but already we’ve seen something like over 160 supplier opportunities published, and we publish those in the public domain, on the Digital Marketplace, because we want suppliers, and not just suppliers, actually, we want suppliers and the public to see, what’s the demand of government? What’s the opportunities that, if you’re not a supplier currently on this framework, you’ve actually now got visibility of the demand of government for digital specialists and services associated with the design and delivery of better public services. Having that information in the open is, again back to the open contracting point, is helping to, transform the relationship between the citizen and the state. I think we’ll be able to see very soon what’s the actual business that’s being won by suppliers as a result of the changes that we’ve brought about through digital outcomes and specialists. We already have some data about G-Cloud usage. Since its inception, business through G-Cloud has helped the Digital Marketplace go to sales of something like £1.3 billion as it is now. The bulk of that is through G-Cloud, but I think we’ll see it, I’d be very interested, and wait with anticipation, to see what the shift might be from cloud into Digital Outcomes and Specialists, and indeed the growth of cloud as we approach things like G-Cloud 9. We’ve just kicked off a discovery to go back and understand how we might need to adapt the design and delivery of that framework based on an understanding of how the changes of the needs within government have happened since 2011/2012, and also how the market has shifted, as well. Again, we’ll reuse the approach we took to Digital Outcomes and Specialists to apply a user-centred design approach to deliver the 9th iteration of the G-Cloud framework.Speaking of what you were saying before, and classified it as a world first, you’re try…

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