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    Government

    Holywell Trust Conversations

    Gerard Deane and Paul Gosling host a new series of podcasts – explainers of some of the challenging issues that our society faces of promoting a wider, more inclusive and engaged conversation about how we make progress and further solidify peace and create a genuinely shared and integrated society in Northern Ireland. Holywell Trust is curating a discussion that is mutually respectful, forward focused and positive. The podcast considers the real challenges that Northern Ireland’s society faces in the coming years and begins to arrive at practical and honest approaches to address these.

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    Copyright: © (c) Holywell Trust 2019

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    Latest Episodes:
    Episode 26 - Denis Bradley (Part 1) Jul 15, 2019
    Show notes

    FULL EPISODE NOTES

    Eames-Bradley process ‘should have done more to take the Irish government with it’ – says Denis Bradley

    The Eames-Bradley process should have engaged more closely with the Irish government and ensured it was on board with the recommendations, says co-chair Denis Bradley in the latest Forward Together podcast. Eames-Bradley – properly called the Consultative Group on the Past – was published more than a decade ago and was intended to provide a way of dealing with the past and the needs and concerns of victims and survivors.

    Denis says “I do [think the] report itself is an extremely good report. One of the worries when you do a report is that you think, was there a big pothole that we didn't see coming? That hasn't happened. The report has been incredibly good in that sense. The difficulty with the report is that there was only one government involved. I think that was a major mistake and I blame myself to some degree for that.... Remember that was when the Celtic Tiger was beginning to explode. But even without the Celtic Tiger exploding, they [the Irish government] were so cynical around it they were very reluctant to engage. I pleaded with them to be engaged.”

    Denis says it was the lack of commitment to the report from the Irish government that damaged it rather than the controversial recommendation for each victim’s family to be given a payment of £12,000.

    He explains: “So when the report came to its fruition and when the British government were faced with the possibility that unionism was kicking at this thing and saying we're not going to have this because it looks as if there's going to be given money to the family of people who were terrorists and so forth..... We won't have moral equivalence, which was their big thing. Basically their government ran away..... When [only] one government is engaged, I think that you do not get the roundness.”

    Denis rejects the suggestion that it was the issue of payments that undermined the Eames-Bradley acceptance. “That's not true. There were five things within the report that could have been quite explosive. And people saw the payment one because it was the most explosive.”

    Asked whether we should now return to Eames-Bradley, Denis stresses: “You have to deal with the past.”

    Denis also addresses the structure of government in Northern Ireland, criticising the zero sum game approach of the major parties. “In other words if they get 50%, we get 50%.... But the outflow of that is that we have ended up with institutions that don't function particularly well.”

    But that is not the only problem we have now. Denis expands: “Remember there's many ways in which we stand on the shoulders of the Good Friday Agreement - but there's even a greater way in which we stand on the shoulders of Anglo-Irish relationships. And Anglo-Irish relationships have gone off kilter.” Denis believes the governments mistakenly took a back step to leave the politics of the north to mature.

    The challenge now is that Brexit has thrown society into uncertainty, as well as chaos. “Our problem at the moment is we don't know where we're going,” he argues. “It isn't time yet to settle down and make large decisions.”

    The latest podcast interview covers Denis’s reflections on civil society, creating a shared society and the past. A further podcast will be released later this week in which Denis discusses the constitutional future of Northern Ireland.

    The podcasts are also available on iTunes and Spotify.


    Holywell Trust receives support for the Forward Together Podcast through the Media Grant Scheme and Core Funding Programme of Community Relations Council.


    Episode 25 - Anthony Russell Jul 12, 2019
    Show notes

    FULL EPISODE NOTES

    ‘Looking at how we got here can help us deal with the present and the future’, argues historical geographer

    A better understanding of our history is important as a means of bringing our society together, believes Anthony Russell of the Thomas D'Arcy McGee Foundation. “One of the things that we have been trying to do in the Thomas D'Arcy McGee Foundation is to use history as a tool for reconciliation, rather than something that has to be fought over,” he explains. “Looking at how we got here” can help us to deal with the challenges we face today, says Anthony in the latest Forward Together podcast.

    “And one of the things we tried to do in the Thomas D'Arcy McGee Foundation is to identify myths and to challenge those myths in a variety of ways,” Anthony adds. That has involved performances of historical events taking place within religious settings in which those events are explained and placed in context. In doing so, they challenge the assumed connections between religious affiliations and political attitudes.

    “I think there's great hope in that,” says Anthony. “People looking at history, at the 1788 rebellion, the Great Famine, John Mitchell, with an openness to look at history and to learn from history.”

    Part of that reconsideration of history includes recognising the connections and common causes between Presbyterianism and other non-conformist Protestantism with Catholicism in the past. “Oh very much so,” says Anthony, “and I think that's one of the great values of the 1788 commemoration with the very strong identification of the [Thomas Payne book] Rights of Man.”

    Explaining history through personal stories is important, stresses Anthony. “Of course history is open to interpretation, but the idea of storytelling is very, very powerful. And Stalin was right - a million people is just a statistic. People pay much more attention to one person’s story.... it's very, very hard not to have empathy with any victim when you hear their stories.”

    Looking at today’s society through the eyes of a historical geographer Anthony says that he sees parallels with other places. “I think we have to recognise, and the voters have recognised it for us, that there are two ethnic communities here and we should not underestimate the power of ethnicity. I always refer to the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia. You had 60 years of a dominant totalitarian regime. Once it was peeled back the first thing that popped to the surface was ethnicity and we'd be very foolish in the north of Ireland to ignore just how deep ethnicity is.

    “And we may not like it, but any problems we have have to be approached by recognizing that we have two very distinct communities.... In practice it means not doing what we're doing at the moment. And that is that we have two blocks which are intent on maximizing the power of that ethnicity.”

    There are strong connections between the Thomas D'Arcy McGee Foundation and Canada – where Thomas D’Arcy Magee was a cabinet minister. (He was born in Carlingford, raised in Cushendall, emigrated to Boston, returned to Ireland and became a leading republican, wanted for treason, escaped to America and then Canada, where he became a father of Canadian Confederation, but opposed the Fenian movement – a supporter of which assassinated him.) Anthony reflects on how, in Toronto, the Orange Order has evolved to become a multi-racial and secular institution.

    There are challenges today for unionism in Northern Ireland. “In the past when a unionist peered over the border onto the South, they saw exactly what they had predicted a hundred years ago - a priest-ridden Free State.... Southern society has changed enormously and, of course, much, much more liberally. Despite the apparent lack of notice by the DUP, I think the unionist community is very well aware that geographically and demographically that change is happening. They will have to accommodate that - and that puts a major responsibility on the nationalist and republican community to be generous in their response.”


    Holywell Trust receives support for the Forward Together Podcast through the Media Grant Scheme and Core Funding Programme of Community Relations Council.


    Episode 24 - Maeve McLaughlin Jul 08, 2019
    Show notes

    FULL EPISODE DESCRIPTION

    Making progress on parading – can Northern Ireland learn from Derry-Londonderry?

    As Northern Ireland moves towards what will hopefully be a peaceful 12th July, the manager of ‘the Derry Model’, Maeve McLoughlin – a former Sinn Fein MLA – reflects on how peaceful parading was negotiated, after years of conflict and tension in Derry-Londonderry. “It was spurred on by a commitment to the city,” she says, “and by people who genuinely wanted to be in a better place.

    “That was the feeling of the Apprentice Boys as well. They love the city. They want the city to be perceived and presented in a very positive light. There is no doubt that the demographics, the largely republican/nationalist city, spurred on those conversations. It was also that when you have rights, you also have responsibilities.”

    The Derry Model is a conflict transformation peacebuilding project, which seeks to spread awareness of the city’s success in addressing its historic problems over parading – which used to lead to the city centre being virtually closed down during parades. Progress was achieved through extensive negotiations, compromises and recognition of both rights and responsibilities. Maeve explains the work of the Derry Model in the latest Forward Together podcast.

    “It is not one thing,” says Maeve. “We couldn’t say the Derry Model equals this set of circumstances or experience. It’s a mixture. I think it’s our demographics. We had leadership. We had people willing to take risks. We have sets of experiences. I wouldn’t be naive enough to say we can simply lift those experiences and tailor them into other areas.

    “But we have templates. We have a sense of people who were willing to take risks - that is a big important message for other communities. So it is how we use those experiences to cascade that learning to other circumstances. That is not to say it is all going to fit perfectly. In terms of parading, the relationship in this city of the Apprentice Boys with the residents’ groups, and the relationship we have between the Bloody Sunday Museum and the Siege Museum is unique. And the business sector played a very proactive role to reach an accommodation.”

    Maeve says that republicans, nationalists and business leaders in Derry were willing to take risks to achieve agreement on parading, as were people in the loyal orders. “When we look at the Maiden City Accord between the bands’ forum, potentially sanctioning or disciplining individual band members or entire bands. That was a very significant message to the city, that people were taking this seriously.” This meant the city could take control of problems relating, for example, to drunken “hangers-on”.

    The Derry Model is also concerned with dealing with the past. Maeve says that while the concept of ‘justice’ means different things for different people, learning the truth is central to how we should deal with the past. She adds that apologies – such as that from David Cameron for Bloody Sunday – can help the families of some victims and can be important.

    But Maeve warns that Northern Ireland cannot made lasting and genuine progress unless there is economic, social and environmental regeneration that addresses actual need. “We won’t change the outcome unless we target that need,” she says. “If we keep doing what we’re doing, we’re going to have the same outcome.”

    Holywell Trust receives support for the Forward Together Podcast through the Media Grant Scheme and Core Funding Programme of Community Relations Council and Good Relations Core Funding Programme of Derry City and Strabane District Council.


    Episode 23 - Fr. Martin McGill Jul 05, 2019
    Show notes

    FULL EPISODE NOTES

    ‘We need an agency to promote social integration’, says Father Martin Magill

    Northern Ireland needs a body lobbying for social integration, learning from the success of the Integrated Education Fund in its work promoting integrated schools, says Father Martin Magill. Without an agency pushing the integrated housing agenda, it will be difficult to make sufficient progress, he says. Martin was interviewed in the latest Forward Together podcast.

    “I grew up living in a neighbourhood where my next door neighbour was Presbyterian; further on down the road Church of Ireland; further down the road, Methodist,” recalls Martin. “We were various Christian denominations. My home area is people living side by side. For me, that's one of the most important things. I'm aware, for example, of the Integrated Education Fund and we hear a lot of that. I hear nothing to the same degree on encouraging integrated housing. And I really would like to see the likes of integrated neighbourhoods.”

    He continues: “The sort of society I believe that we need to see for the city [of Belfast], Northern Ireland, Ireland, whatever, is where we can live together, where there are various religions.... faiths generally - those with faith and those without faith..... I would like to see a strategic body focusing, especially, on housing.”

    Like many other Forward Together interviewees, Martin is positive about the principle of civic engagement. “I might use the old cliché, politics is too important to be left to the politicians alone.” He continues: “I would be very keen that we look again at the whole question of some type of civic forum. For me, there was a huge value in that. I mean, the whole idea of bringing people from a variety of different backgrounds is really important.”

    But Martin is concerned at the low level of voter turn-out at local elections. “And yet at the same time, when I'm talking to people... they're very interested in the type of society they want.” Martin adds: “I think it's important that people realize they can make a difference, that their views matter, their opinions matter.” And while he has concerns about the outcome of the Republic’s citizens’ assemblies discussions on abortion, he says about the use of the assemblies “there's something worth exploring there”.

    In a previous Forward Together interview, Peter Sheridan of Co-operation Ireland raised the idea of neighbourhood citizens’ assemblies to address the conditions that lead to recruitment of young people by paramilitaries. Martin responds to that idea: “I'm part of a group called Stop Attacks. So, yes, I can see what he would be talking about.” But, he cautions, “sometimes people are reluctant to speak when it comes to that issue.”

    Martin is more positive about the concept of participatory budgeting, giving people more control over public spending in their own areas. “I think that could be of real value,” he says. “That's the sort of direction that I'm going... I think that could be a very useful way of helping us come together as a larger group, as a community.”

    Another initiative Martin favours is “community champions” – people who take a lead in making neighbourhoods more diverse. “I would like to see something more strategic. I would like to see what I call community champions. I am aware of people who have purposely chosen to live in areas that wouldn't be necessarily their first choice. I would know of a number of people. I think we need more of that.”

    Martin is also a strong supporter of moves that achieve reconciliation. He gives the example of the meetings between Brighton bomber Patrick Magee and Jo Berry, whose father was killed in the blast. “That acted as a catalyst for people to come and tell their stories,” he recalls. “They wanted to tell their stories.”

    One of the advantages of that process of reconciliation is the humanising of those involved, including those who died. Another example of that approach was the inter-faith event where there was a reading of the complete list of those who died in the Troubles. “The focus we wanted was on people’s suffering, rather than getting into the details of how this person died and was this person an innocent victim or a perpetrator or whatever. We instead focused on the people that the loved ones left behind. Irrespective of what he or she or they did, inevitably people would be left to suffer as a consequence of their death.”

    Martin also reflected on the reaction to his comments at the funeral of Lyra McKee. “I was completely taken by surprise,” he says. “The reaction I got was in the middle of a sentence. It was probably really that evening that I began to realize, oh, gosh, this has got quite a bit of traction. It's probably only really in the days afterwards that I then got a sense of just the impact of it. Immediately afterwards, it felt like almost a tsunami of attention: letters, phone calls, emails, it just went on and on and on and on.

    “But now, one of the things is that I'm very conscious that I want to make sure I am well grounded. I had to make a big effort to do that. In many ways it really has given me an opportunity out of a really tragic situation to be able to speak into situations.”

    There is a sense now, though, that the immediate impact has waned. “I would want to see a real momentum again,” says Martin. “If we go back to the moment in the cathedral - not focusing on me, but focusing on the response that people actually had both inside and outside the cathedral and well beyond that. Our politicians, I really would encourage them not to focus on me, but focus on the response of people. There was something very telling for me. That was like a catalyst moment. I really do believe that needs to be made the most of.”

    Martin’s other message to politicians though is about the peace dividend, that Northern Ireland society expected to enjoy after the Good Friday Agreement – but for which many poorer communities are still awaiting. “The peace dividend should be seen as something that we should all enjoy. Not just some of us, but all of us.”

    Holywell Trust receives support for the Forward Together Podcast through the Media Grant Scheme and Core Funding Programme of Community Relations Council.


    Episode 22 - Naomi Long Jul 01, 2019
    Show notes

    FULL EPISODE NOTES

    New way of consulting with civic society is part of the talks negotiations, discloses Naomi Long

    Creating a new mechanism for consulting with civic society is part of the talks negotiations aimed at getting Stormont back, Alliance Party leader Naomi Long has disclosed. Naomi is a newly elected MEP, former MP and has just resigned her role as an MLA. She was interviewed in the latest Forward Together podcast.

    “We need to find a role for engaging with civil society,” suggests Naomi. “I think there is a lot of good work that goes on in our communities. And as elected representatives, we're all very conscious of that. But I don't think we ever really lived up to the objective of finding a proper mechanism through which those of us who were elected members of the community would be able to formally engage with civic society.”

    She continues: “One of the things that we have been looking at, certainly in terms of the talks and the discussions we have been having, is how do we get something which is akin to the Civic Forum, which was there originally, but is able to engage with an Assembly... and would actually be a good platform for us to engage with. That is one of the strands of work that we have been looking at as part of the discussions that are ongoing, to get the Assembly restored.”

    Naomi believes that the former Civic Forum was built on structural faults. “I think it was large and unwieldy. But I think, moreover, there wasn't the real commitment from the political side to believe that engagement with the wider community would bear any fruit.... So what we have had are [political] parties that are more focused on their leadership role and less on the engagement side.”

    A stronger mechanism for consulting civic society and communities could be the basis to reform the two party dominance of the current governance structures, suggests Naomi. She explains: “We've gone from a situation where we had an inclusive process, to one which very rapidly became a four party process, as it was. We had to battle for it to be even a five party process. What emerged more recently was.... [a] two party process, literally just the DUP and Sinn Fein. And it doesn't work, because if people are locked into very fixed positions and they just repeatedly meet with each other to discuss those positions, there's no new thinking, there's no creativity, but there's also no opportunity to bring new issues or ideas to the table that could allow people to start to move their positions.”

    She adds: “I think that there is an appreciation now that wasn't there over the last few years that we do need input from outside the political sphere in terms of input from the community sector, the voluntary sector, the churches and other organizations who have a genuine vested interest in society and how it works.... I think that there is an appreciation now for civic engagement and the importance of it as a way of dealing with complex and fraught issues that perhaps wasn't there before. I also think the emergence of the citizens assembly in the south and how that negotiated through what was very sensitive work around and for example, termination of pregnancy and how they would deal with that has led to a new appreciation of the fact that if civic engagement is properly structured and effort isn't just simply a replication of the political views of the parties in proportion to party size, then it has something new to bring to the table.”

    Naomi stresses that the role of citizens’ assemblies is not to be an alternative system of representation, nor a decision-making body, but rather “a mechanism by which you deal with difficult issues.” She adds: “We would certainly want to see some form of civic engagement.”

    In a wide-ranging conversation, Naomi goes on to say that government in Northern Ireland needs to find a way to ensure that decisions assist an agreed objective of greater integration. “You've got to look at every decision that you make in government and you've got to look at how that decision will impact on the level of segregation or integration in our society, how it will impact on the ability of people to share their communities or not.” She goes on to say that integrated education helps to create clusters of integrated housing. Naomi also praises the impact of Belfast’s Glider bus system in improving connections across the city and so breach old geographic barriers. “Public transport is crucial” in creating safe ways to improve social integration, she says.

    Naomi is clear that the cost of public service segregation and duplication – she quotes studies putting the annual cost at between £750m and £1.5bn – creates incentives to bring society together. “The difficulty, of course, with that is that none of it is unlocked cheaply either. And we have been very honest about that. It is essentially an invest to save opportunity.

    “But that's a very strong argument to take to Treasury when you go and make a pitch for additional funds.... If you say to them, we have a massive hole here in our budget. But if you give us the money, we can spend it in a way that will fix that hole. So in future years, the hole will be smaller. They're going to be much more interested and invested in that project than they would be otherwise. There is an opportunity to look at the costs of division in our society. Some of those are hard financial costs of duplication, of the violence and the extra policing, and everything else that we require. Some of them are missed opportunity costs, things that we can't do and miss out on because of division. It's really important that we look at those costs and see how we minimise those. One way is at a policy level and the other way is by investing to restructure what we do. We have a massive problem, for example, in the sustainability of our education system.”

    Naomi goes on to say that while the Stormont House Agreement is not perfect in dealing with legacy issues, it “is possibly the last chance we're going to have to do anything that looks anything like a comprehensive process”. She does not support a statute of limitations or amnesty in relation to past events. Her priorities for dealing with the past are for transparency, adoption of the Stormont House Agreement, pensions for victims, plus investment in counselling services for people with continuing trauma and in social care for people as they deal with their injuries as they get older.

    She believes that the constitutional conversations need to take place within the context of the Good Friday Agreement, and the working of its institutions. Naomi adds that the conversation “should not be just led by politicians” and should feature a major role for civil society. She opposes an early calling of a border poll.


    Holywell Trust receives support for the Forward Together Podcast through the Media Grant Scheme and Core Funding Programme of Community Relations Council.


    Episode 21 - Tina Merron Jun 28, 2019
    Show notes

    FULL EPISODE NOTES

    ‘Social integration begins with integrated education and integrated housing’

    For Northern Ireland to become more integrated, there has to be a greater focus on integrated schools and integrated housing, argues the chief executive of the Integrated Education Fund, Tina Merron. She was interviewed for the latest Forward Together podcast.

    “I think the majority of people in Northern Ireland want a shared future and a united community,” says Tina. “We need to give civil society more of a say. We need to encourage people to speak up and especially young people. And then when we do get them to speak up, we have to listen to them.

    “Integrated education has been run for the last 35 years as a kind of model for wider society and it's a model that empowers parents, communities and young people. It encourages people to speak up and encourages children to look at what unites us, as opposed to what divides us. Integrated schools are safe spaces to have these discussions - children from different traditions sit side-by-side, day-by-day, learning about each other, from each other. This experience removes any fear of other traditions, different cultures and enables them to express their identity. And this has a ripple effect.”

    The basis for integrated education is not just about bringing pupils together from the two main traditions – the schools also attract children from other backgrounds. Integrated schools also aim to ensure children value themselves. “The ethos is about encouraging children to talk about themselves,” explains Tina. “It's about them being open about discussion. It's not about burying things under the carpet. It's an opportunity for them to express themselves, to have open discussions about different issues.... It's about those from all faiths and those from no faiths at all.”

    Integrated schools seek to connect with local people to engage them in discussion about the future of education policy, through a programme called “Community Conversations, which empowers parents and the wider community to become involved in education, especially in area planning of education”, explains Tina.

    The integrated education movement wants to work more closely with elected politicians, across the range of the spectrum. “We would encourage the politicians to go into integrated schools and have these conversations,” she explains. “It is very important I believe for young people to vote, but young people are more interested in the social issues, health, well-being and the environment, less interested in constitutional issues. But they have to feel that their voice is being heard.”

    Tina adds: “We need young people to enter politics. I mean if you think about it, it's 20 years since the Good Friday Agreement. So anybody under the age of 30 is less likely to be aware of, or directly impacted by, the Troubles. So what we need is for these young people to start going into politics, to become politicians of the future.”

    In many areas, integrated schools have insufficient places to meet the demand. But existing non-integrated schools can convert to become integrated. Tina explains: “Parents who want their school to be integrated can register their interest. Once that gets to 20% the board of governors of the school must then have a parental ballot for all parents of the school and they then can decide if they want to transform the school to become integrated.”

    Holywell Trust receives support for the Forward Together Podcast through the Media Grant Scheme and Core Funding Programme of Community Relations Council.


    Episode 20 - John McKinney Jun 24, 2019
    Show notes

    FULL EPISODE NOTES

    ‘A stronger role for civic society must be central to getting government back’


    International peace negotiator John McKinney has urged the political parties to include a stronger role for civic society in a reformed structure of governance for Northern Ireland. John – a former chief executive of the Special EU Programmes Body and of Omagh District Council – was speaking in the latest Forward Together podcast.


    Asked how civil society in Northern Ireland should be strengthened, John says: “I don't think we have a framework adequate to do it. I think we had an opportunity, but that opportunity was missed after the Good Friday Agreement. We had a Civic Forum that we set up, but it didn't operate. There are many reasons for that. I don't think the will was there by political parties. So there is no place for people to have a voice and that's been compounded as well by the reorganisation of local government, where we have 11 rather than 26 [councils]. So that people living away from a centre don’t have a mechanism to make any comment whatsoever.


    “There's no framework where everyone can work within and that was a missed opportunity..... When we have an operating Assembly, I think it’s a good opportunity to look at the Civic Forum again. Because if people don't have somewhere to have a voice, if people don't have somewhere where we can dialogue and have a dialogue, if people don't have a place for engagement, then we are never going to go anywhere. And I think had we had this type of situation, then I think it would have been different.”


    So was the Civic Forum the correct structure for civic engagement? John responds: “Well it's a structure. There's nothing magical about the Civic Forum. If you go to any country after conflict – and I have been to many, and worked in many – you need this type of structure. There’s many different models. But you do need it. Let's have a debate about what the Civic Forum should look like. Every time we talk about citizen engagement here in Northern Ireland, it's always afterwards. Consultation comes after something has been decided – it’s the wrong way round.


    “Some of the countries coming out of conflict would put us in the shade.... I am thinking of Eastern Europe and Cyprus. I know that Cyprus is not united yet, but they're working at it. They have dialogue forums involving a hundred different type of organisations, economic organisations, women’s groups, everybody, but all within a framework. And that's what I like about it. Working from both sides. And they give advice to negotiators so that they can think about what it looks like after the agreement. I think that's the important thing. I don't think we ever thought about what it would look like after the Good Friday Agreement.”


    John is clear that negotiations for the re-establishment of the Assembly and Executive must consider the role of civic society in the future governance of Northern Ireland and have a plan for making society more integrated. “It needs to be a wider debate,” he says. “We should be looking now at what is a shared society going to be like when the Assembly is back up and running – and I am hopeful and optimistic that it will be up again. We should be having that debate now about what it is going to look like. If you walk up any main street in Strabane, Omagh, Cookstown, and you ask someone, people are fed-up with politics.”


    The solution is clear, argues John. “Like most things in life, it's about leadership. And there is a complete lack of leadership now. I am not pointing the finger at any political party. It's just a complete lack of leadership. We have a great opportunity with two parties - one from each side of the divide - working together. If both of them could come together and give some sort of leadership about this new horizon that we're going into, it must involve civic society, must set-up some sort of mechanisms for doing that. Look at what the mechanisms should be. I think that's where we have to start and the sooner the better.”


    The answer, though, is not necessarily that external brokers need to be brought in to negotiate a solution. “That's a very interesting point,” concedes John. “Yes, a little, but not as much as people would think. People will think that they had this wonderful idea of bringing someone in – maybe as a key mentor as it were, maybe from South Africa or the USA... Yes it would [help].” But the essential thing is to have “buy-in” from local people, in Northern Ireland, adds John. The big problem, he suggests, is that people don’t have the belief that the current process is going to succeed. “What we need is to have a vision from the top and we need support for that vision. We need faith in that vision. And we need to feel wanted to be part of that.”


    John believes that we could have the Assembly back up and running, even without an Executive being operational. “I always thought that was something that should have happened,” he says. “People say it just becomes a talking shop, but there is nothing wrong about talking if people have an idea of where that is going to take them. Unfortunately, talking for talking sake, as we all know, is a waste of time. I think [the re-establishment of the Assembly without the Executive] could be an intermediate stop that could be taken.”


    The podcasts are also available on iTunes and Spotify.


    Holywell Trust receives support for the Forward Together Podcast through the Media Grant Scheme and Core Funding Programme of Community Relations Council and Good Relations Core Funding Programme.


    Episode 19 - Philip Gilliland Jun 21, 2019
    Show notes

    FULL EPISODE NOTES

    How Brexit changes a unionist to a united Irelander

    Brexit is making some unionists re-evaluate their allegiance to the UK – and consider support for a united Ireland, says Philip Gilliland, a commercial lawyer and former president of the Londonderry Chamber of Commerce. “We've been given a gift which is called Brexit, because it's allowed those of us who are from a Protestant background to be able to talk about the heresy of the united Ireland in a way that is not heresy,” says Philip in the latest Forward Together podcast.

    He continues: “In other words it's allowed us to talk about the possibility of constitutional change in a way that doesn't seem to be disloyal to our tribe, because clearly for many of us, Brexit is nuts.” Correcting himself and moderating his speech, he adds: “That sounds very disrespectful to people. I think I should really retract it. People are entitled to their view if they think it's the right thing to do. That's brilliant. Fill your boots. That's grand. But it clearly has changed the dynamic between how we deal with our neighbours in the south and how we deal with our neighbours in Britain.

    “It's shone a light on the fact that the Brits don't really know or care very much about Northern Ireland. We knew that anyway. It has shone a light on that fact for those of us whose businesses are totally integrated into the Republic's economy - which mine is. It is a threat to jobs and our own livelihoods. And so we're going to vote with our economic future [in mind]. It's allowed a lot of us to question why we were unionist in the first place.

    “In the past many of us who were unionist thought we were more a bit more socially liberal and there was a fear of theocracy. Today that's totally changed. We are now the theocrats. I'm not. I actually want a socially liberal world. The idea of the socially conservative moral stuff coming out of unionism is utterly abhorrent to me. And frankly, ironically, rather un-British too. We've got all sorts of reasons now to talk about the constitutional issue in a way that weren't open to us..... If it's not under the aegis of Sinn Fein, I don't really care. I'm happy with it.”

    The leadership void

    Philip, like most of the interviewees in the Forward Together podcasts, is strongly critical of political leadership in Northern Ireland today. “We don't have what you might call a traditional political class,” he says. “The people who might otherwise be involved in leadership in society feel they do not want to put their head above the parapet. We have to accept that there was a fear, a legacy of political violence, for a very long time. There is fear on the part of people who are afraid to say what they really feel. Fear in what is unfortunately still a tribal society, fear of breaking ranks and being accused of being disloyal to your own - which sounds very medieval. But I think that's the way that most people still think.

    “So we have to encourage people to say whatever they think, to feel empowered to say what they feel about progress in society. And I can't think of any evidence recently of bully boy tactics on the part of paramilitaries in either tribe stopping people saying what they feel.... So we have to encourage people to stand up and say what they feel. There is a truism here, which is that bad things happen when good people do nothing. And it's too easy in Northern Ireland for good people to do nothing.”

    Philip adds: “I do feel that some business organizations are a very good vehicle for leadership in civic society. They do allow people to emancipate themselves and say what they feel. Certainly, my experience of being a business leader is that the audience that we were speaking to, which is not just businesses who are our members in Derry, but actually all of society, want to be led. They want leadership.”

    Integration - please

    But Philip is equally animated about the need for social integration. He explains: “Pretty much everybody wants a shared society, except for the nationalist and unionist politicians who benefit from a segregated society.... 99% of people here get on actually really well - much better than they ever did. People on the ground are really getting on grand. Obviously it would be better if we shared our education.

    “One of the keys to unlocking this is the fact that we have something like 60 or 70 thousand too many school places. And the annual budget per child is continuing to reduce. And that's just clearly nuts. So every school can't perform while we have 70,000 too many school places. Surely somebody needs to say, isn't the problem that we've got 70,000 [empty] school places? ...we have to work out what is the best way to rationalise schools. And when we rationalise schools guess what, we're going to have to actually mix a few of them, because it's the only way to do it.”

    Dealing with the past

    Despite being a lawyer, Philip does not believe that going through the courts is the best way to deal with the past. “I'm not a criminal lawyer,” he says, “but my sense of the administration of justice and the past is that it's just so vast and so difficult a task to apply legal justice to events of over 20 years ago, that it's just not practical.... And many of the witnesses are dead. Many of the witnesses who are still alive with the passage of time may not even know - their memories may be playing tricks, they may not even remember what they think they remember.... With a very heavy heart I can't see us going back to the administration of justice in the technical sense, in the legal and juridical sense, to deal with the past.”

    What is important, argues Philip, is to address the trauma and mental ill-health caused by past events. “All of us who are over the age of probably 45 have to a lesser or greater degree suffered some degree of trauma as a result of violence,” he suggests. “Obviously some people suffered vast trauma and others only very mild peripheral trauma. But we're all a part of it. A majority of people over the age of 45 carry with them some degree of trauma about the past.

    “So what is the right way to deal with that? And given the fact that the administration of justice in the technical sense is probably not going to deliver the answers, certainly not going to deliver a lot of the truth. What actually is required in my view is a policy of truth.... Jail is not the point, but what would be extremely good for the healing process is to know, why did you pull the trigger? What was it in you that said that was a good idea? And who were you just following orders [from]? Why did you follow orders? And the person who gave the orders, why did you give the order? Why do you think that was a good idea?

    “I don't know many people who openly say they were perpetrators, but I imagine the toll on their own mental health must be phenomenal. Very, very few people who got involved in paramilitary activity or violence perpetrated by the state were what you might call a sociopath. Ninety nine percent of people who got involved in that sort of thing for whatever reason believed they were doing the right thing. But a part of that was the dehumanization of the person who was going to be your victim and now that we're actually talking to each other again it must be quite challenging for the perpetrator to find a humanized person associated with their...


    Episode 18 - Mairtin O'Muilleoir Jun 17, 2019
    Show notes

    FULL EPISODE NOTES

    ‘Stephen Nolan needs to find the right balance – and not make angry people angrier’

    Stephen Nolan needs to find the right balance between allowing people to express their emotions, without making angry people even angrier. The plea was made in the latest Forward Together podcast by Sinn Fein MLA and former finance minister Máirtín Ó Muilleoir.

    “In this often divided society, I think the tone and timbre of the debate has to be respectful,” says Máirtín. “We have to find ways of not feeding the ratings monster, not sectarianising a discussion, which has huge sectarian elements in it. We have to find ways not always to try and have a race to the bottom in terms of the dialogue, or to turn it into a rant.

    “I have huge respect for Stephen Nolan. I think he is the pre-eminent broadcaster on the island, certainly in the north of the island. But as he knows, there are a lot of angry people out there and he has to find a way to get the balance between making those people angrier and instead of that trying to find a way for angry people to express, to emote, to vent, if necessary. But what is the purpose of us as a society in trying to start this discussion if all we're going to do is poke people in the eye with a stick, or make people even more polarized?”

    Máirtín urges us all to change the way we discuss politics and society. “I think we could start by listening,” he says. “It is a truism that you learn more by listening than by talking. I don't have all the answers, but I have been, for 30 years of political activity, a big believer in building community - the phrase I use for developing and working for the common good. That has to be to the fore in our minds if we are going to adopt any strategies - whether around economic development, around providing adequate health services for our people, focusing on education, building healthy prosperous societies. We have to be focused on the common good.”

    One of the main challenges is that close under the surface of Northern Ireland society is suffering and anger. Máirtín recalls: “Being mayor [of Belfast] was easy until someone mentioned the past. Once the past was mentioned it was almost as if you entered a different, parallel universe, where the tone of the debate sharpened, where an unwillingness to entertain any other view was to the fore, that the bitterness oozed out on all sides. As Seamus Heaney said, people get hurt and get hard. So if we are going to try find ways to build a stronger civic society we are going to have to find ways to engage in a frank debate and find a safe space to do that.”

    He continues: “We have to give leadership. And anyone who engages in partisan and provocative politics and calls it civic leadership is not going to do us justice. So if you want to enter the public square and have 90% of the debate on [what should be] the present [instead] focused on the past, it's not going to work. If you're going to refuse to listen, if you are going to refuse to turn up – and I’ve been to a series of events recently where the DUP refused to turn up - it’s not going to work.... every voice has to be heard.”

    But, asked if this included what might be termed dissident republican and loyalist representatives, Máirtín responds: “There also have to be ground rules. You can't come in and talk at the table with everyone else, but then go outside and be selling the drugs which are damaging this Belfast community.... For me, one of the reasons the government collapsed was that the DUP were unwilling to have all voices heard.”

    He continues: “We have to have policies from the top which exemplify a shared approach and inclusive approach. You can’t be a leader, but say we believe our partners in government are rogues and renegades. You can't be a leader and say look I believe everyone should be at the table. But by the way, by my actions I'm making sure that money only goes to certain people and not other people. You can't say one thing and then your actions portray another thing and that is why, in my view, the government collapsed... There is a problem in this society of being heard. We talk past each other... We don’t hear each other.”

    Interviewed before the latest round of political talks, Máirtín laments the loss of contacts between representatives of the different parties. “Not having an Assembly is a real hindrance in terms of building relations among political leaders because you don't see people in the corridors, or in the cafes, or whatever.... So we are in a worse place than we were two years ago. There is less dialogue and interaction... All the bridges are down. If you asked me now to ring a DUP MLA, well first of all I don’t know half of them, because they have been elected after the last Assembly election and I’ve never met them.... I don’t have a DUP MLA I could talk to. That wouldn’t have been true in the last Assembly and that wouldn’t be normal politics.... So the bridges are down more than two years ago. We are in a worse place.”

    Máirtín believes that the Stormont House Agreement provided the basis for dealing with the past, but that progress has since been reversed – for which he blames the DUP. “We are at loggerheads.” He is clear that the correct approach is to accept that it will never be possible to agree about the past, but it is possible to agree on how to build the future. He adds that “we're going to have to find a way to deal with the terrible hurt that we have suffered. And I think the Stormont House-related mechanisms [provide that]. But it is it is a matter of the heart.”

    He adds: “I do think I have to make a statement that the war is over. And for me that means that the slate is clean. People are absolutely entitled to deal with the past, hopefully by those mechanisms we have agreed. But for me if you were going to continue to fight the battles of the past today - and I think the DUP did bring that into government, they thought we're still at war - if you’re going to bring the war mindset into government, then that’s not going to work, we are not going to make progress.”


    Holywell Trust receives support for the Forward Together Podcast through the Media Grant Scheme and Core Funding Programme of Community Relations Council. The podcasts are also available on Apple Podcasts, Google Podcasts, Stitcher and Spotify.


    Episode 17 - Conal McFeely Jun 14, 2019
    Show notes

    ‘Let’s not repeat the mistakes of the past! (But we are.)’

    Northern Ireland is “a society that is still emerging from conflict”, warns Conal McFeely, chief executive of one of Northern Ireland’s largest and most successful not-for-profit businesses, the Rathmor Centre[i] in Derry. He was interviewed in the latest Forward Together podcast.

    “We must collectively not allow ourselves to make the same political mistakes - and the failure of governance - that we've done in the past,” Conal says, before adding “but sadly I believe that we are at the moment”.

    Conal continues: “One has to look at the history that gave rise to the conflict here. It was the impact of partition and the fact that we had a system of governance that clearly denied people equality of opportunity and that in itself gave birth to the civil rights movement.” The priority remains, he argues, “creating an equal society”. He goes on: “Clearly if that had been dealt with at the beginning we might not have had the conflict. I see that as a failure of governance.”

    According to Conal, continuing weak governance is evidenced by the lack of focus on human rights. He says: “I would argue that we do need a proper system of political governance. And I think that system of governance needs to be rooted within a human rights framework... I think that all genuine democracies should be rooted within the human rights framework. And I think we need to construct that. To all intents and purposes that is contained within the Good Friday Agreement. I think that the infrastructure is there. The problem is it just hasn't been implemented and delivered.”

    One of the rights being overlooked relates to economic and social wellbeing, Conal argues. “We need to address the issues of inequality in terms of economic investment, targeting the most marginalized communities within our societies, working class communities, be they loyalist or republican, nationalist or unionist,” he says.

    But, Conal adds, there must be a recognition that Northern Ireland is more than unionist and nationalist. “We now live in a society which is much more diverse than that. I think we need to be in a society where everyone holds the respect of each other, irrespective of their political background, their sexual orientation, their ethnic background. We now live in a multicultural society. And we need to reflect that in terms of a wider civic society. When people talk about civic society at the moment they tend to talk about nationalism and unionism.”

    A broader objective needs to be “social transformation,” says Conal. “I would view social transformation as something that needs to look at the economic, cultural, educational, environmental needs of society. Those things are all part and parcel of social transformation.”

    He adds: “If you look at the moment where people feel they've been left behind, it's in those communities that have suffered most as a result of the conflict. It tends to be in working class areas.... That's where the highest levels of poverty exist. That's where the highest levels of economic inactivity take place.... There is a sizeable section of our communities who feel left off the agenda. [We need] effective dialogue initiatives, where we treat everybody with respect, without demonizing or marginalizing them, and engaging with them.... My view is that you need to have policies where you're creating locally based initiatives, social economy initiatives, co-operatives and so on, where people see they have a chance to be involved.”

    Conal adds a warning that Brexit is a threat to the peace process. “Clearly that process at the moment has been stalled because of Brexit. You know that it's not the fault of the people in Ireland. It's not the people in the Northern Ireland who are to blame for that. People have made a decision in Britain that they want to leave the European Union. That has serious consequences for our peace process.”

    Holywell Trust receives support for the Forward Together Podcast through the Media Grant Scheme and Core Funding Programme of Community Relations Council and Good Relations Core Funding Programme of Derry City and Strabane District Council.


    [i] The Rathmor Centre is a community business providing retail, office and commercial units, based in the Creggan area of Derry. About 300 people work in the complex.


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