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    Christianity

    Faith & Culture

    Joseph Pearce, Editor of Faith & Culture magazine, has weekly interviews with well-known Catholic authors, speakers, and academics on a variety of topics related to Catholicism.

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    Latest Episodes:
    The Cross is Not the Worst Possible Death Apr 07, 2020
    Show notes

    As we trudge through the Lenten season, heading towards Good Friday, the cross casts a long shadow over us. And perhaps during these penitential days, or on Good Friday itself, you will hear something like this coming from a preacher (or from a blog post): “The cross was the most horrific, most painful death possible.” Your homilist may even go on to describe the extreme suffering of Roman crucifixion, the death by asphyxiation, the agony of enduring the elements, and so on and so forth. And, at first glance, this may appear to be a persuasive piece of rhetoric, because it turns us towards the horrible reality of the cross and it humbles us before the tremendous suffering of the Lord. Only, this claim – that the Roman crucifixion suffered by Jesus is the most painful death possible – is false.

    Now, the point I am trying to make is not that the Lord could have suffered more than he did or that he should have suffered in a different way, nor is it to downplay the horror of crucifixion. Rather, I believe that if we make the erroneous claim that Christ suffered the worst death conceivable in some kind of objective or abstract sense, we will fail to understand the true perfection that was Christ’s suffering. God is not a film director in the sky who had planned to direct a comedy, but due to a catastrophic series of events, had to direct a horror film instead. Christ did not come to earth saying, “well if I am going to suffer, it might as well be the most violent death ever conceived!” And, if one reflects on the claim for a moment, one will at once realize its shortcomings. If Christ had hung on the cross for thirty seconds longer, would his pain not have been greater? If he had hung on the cross while being burned with scalding water (as the Japanese martyrs of the seventeenth century were), would that pain not have been greater?

    Let there be no mistake: Christ’s suffering was perfect, and it was the greatest suffering ever endured – but Christ’s pain was of the worst sort in a subjective sense (because of the subject of that suffering), we might say, not an objective one. Understanding this point helps us to see that Christ did not suffer for his own sake, as a kind of suffering achievement, but for our sake. Christ did not suffer the worst death that he could possibly have come up with from all eternity, but he suffered the worst death that we could come up with in the time and place when Christ walked the earth. Athanasius in his famous work On the Incarnation makes a similar point. Against Christian detractors who would argue that if Christ was God then he should have arranged for a more honorable death, Athanasius responds:

    “even this [an honorable death] would have given ground for suspicion that his power over death was limited to the particular kind of death that he chose for himself; and that again would furnish excuse for disbelieving the resurrection. Death came to his body, therefore, not from himself but from enemy action, in order that the Savior might utterly abolish death in whatever form they offered it to him. A generous wrestler, virile and strong, does not himself choose his antagonists, lest it should be thought that of some of them he is afraid. Rather, he lets the spectators choose them, and that all the more if these are hostile, so that he may overthrow whomsoever they match against him and thus vindicate his superior strength” (DI 24).

    Christ not only suffered death, but, as Paul says, he “was obedient unto death, even death on a cross” (Phil. 2:8). If it was Adam’s chief sin to desire to be master of his own fate, Christ reverses this sin by handing his fate over into the hands of others, even though as God he rules the universe. Christ’s suffering is perfect because only he is able to suffer perfectly, having no fault of his own for which he ought to suffer. He suffers perfectly because he accepts suffering perfectly, he understands his suffering perfectly and sees the horror of sin perfectly (see Thomas Aquinas Summa Theologia 3.46.6). However, by his obedience and submission in a marvelous turn of events, as Athanasius points out, Christ wins an even greater victory, because he conquers by means of his enemy’s own malicious plans. The cross, which was meant for Christ’s humiliation and defeat, has become the universal sign of Christian salvation.

    The lesson for us in this time of turmoil is profound. We would often like to invent a more heroic form of suffering for ourselves, or we would like to pick a kind of suffering other than the one we are undergoing. But following Christ’s humility, we must be obedient unto death, whatever death the Lord has called us to die. We must pick up our cross and follow him, as the Lord himself demands. This call means that we must now give up things that we never even dreamed of having to give up, and suffer in ways that might be humiliating, or worse yet, hidden and seemingly without meaning. Suffering is not an achievement, but the cure for our pride and the means of unity with God. If we, like Christ, suffer whatever we are given, our victory will likewise be all the more glorious, because it will be to share in the resurrection.


    Joy in Lent Apr 06, 2020
    Show notes

    Mark Giszcek talks about Lent

    Joy in Lent Joseph Pearce

    The Peace of Christ and the World's Peace Apr 06, 2020
    Show notes

    Joseph Pearce and John Sehorn discuss the meaning of "peace" and the difference between the peace of Christ and the sort of peace the world offers.

    The Peace of Christ and the World's Peace Joseph Pearce

    If we are Lost for Words we have Lost our Freedom Apr 03, 2020
    Show notes

    Political chaos is connected with the decay of language.
    George Orwell

    In an article entitled “Valuing Vocabulary”, Cherie Harder, President of the Trinity Forum, connects the state of modern politics with lessons to be learned from George Orwell’s novel, Nineteen Eighty-Four.

    In Orwell’s ominously prophetic novel, the all-powerful government limits the ability of the people to think for themselves through the debasing and dumbing-down of the language. The institution by Big Brother of a politically “correct” vocabulary, known as Newspeak, flattens and constricts the language so that words which express moral, aesthetic or analytical distinctions are removed from the lexicon, rendering precise or nuanced discussion of moral or ethical issues effectively impossible.

    “Newspeak”, writes Miss Harder, “was a means of not only controlling the public conversation, but also private thought”.

    Orwell is right and Miss Harder is to be praised for reminding us of the fact. The effective prohibition on certain politically “incorrect” words, causing them to fall out of usage so that new generations will have no knowledge of them, will ultimately render any dissident thought literally unthinkable. We think with words and therefore the removal of words removes our ability to think about the things that they signify. The less that we are masters of a rich and vivid vocabulary the easier will we be mastered by the thought police of political correctness. Take, for example, the effective removal of words such as “sin” or “virtue” from political debate or polite conversation. Without such words it becomes increasingly difficult to discuss issues of morality in any objective sense. If the thought police are successful, future generations will not even know these words and will, therefore, not even be able to think about issues of morality in any objective sense. Such a scenario, should it come to pass, would be the triumph of the Big Brother of relativism.

    Miss Harder laments that “our public vocabulary is changing—not only dwindling, but also shifting in focus and content.” She points to several studies which show how the spoken vocabulary levels of presidential candidates in the last election campaign was “hovering around a middle school level for most candidates … with a leading presidential candidate consistently speaking at a third- or fourth-grade level”. More striking than the shrinkage of vocabulary is, however, the change in word use itself. Whereas terms of abuse against one’s opponents had increased markedly, along with the use of the personal pronoun, the focus on real issues had been lost. In the last presidential election campaign, as distinct from previous campaigns, there was a conspicuous absence of speeches focusing on compassion, children, education, hope, growth, tax reform and budget-balancing. Miss Harder suggests, quite correctly, that “the silence on these subjects is telling”. Needless to say, the political rhetoric of the campaign has also been devoid of any discussion of the necessity of virtue and, of course, any suggestion that sin might be an issue is strictly taboo.

    Referring to David Brooks’ book, The Road to Character, Miss Harder quotes Brooks’ research into the way that “public language has become demoralized”. ​Over the past few decades there has been a sharp rise in the usage of individualist words like “self” and “personalized” and a sharp decline in words like “community,” “share,” “united,” and “common good.” The language of morality and character building is also in decline, with the usage of words like “character,” “conscience” and “virtue” all declining over the course of the twentieth century. Usage of the word “bravery” has declined by 66 percent over the course of the past century. “Humbleness” is down 52 percent and “kindness” is down 56 percent.

    Something is clearly rotten in the state of language.

    One completely practical way that we can stop the rot and fight back against the thought police of narcissism is to encourage the reading of great works of literature. In these treasure troves we not only rediscover the virtue that our self-deifying culture has lost but also the freedom of a rich vocabulary with which to liberate ourselves from the slave language of Newspeak.

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    The Annunciation (1898) by Henry Ossawa Tanner Apr 02, 2020
    Show notes

    Henry Ossawa Tanner (1859-1937) holds a unique place among American painters. Firstly, although considered a realist painter, painting many realist paintings, e.g. The Banjo Lesson (1893) and The Thankful Poor (1894), he also stands as one of the leading painters of sacred art during the late 19th and early 20th centuries, e.g. Daniel in the Lions’ Den (1895) and The Resurrection of Lazarus (1896). Secondly, Tanner was African-American and might well be the premier painter of African descent in all art history.

    Henry Tanner was blessed to be born in Pittsburgh to a minister who ensured that he received an excellent education. He was also blessed to be born at a time when Thomas Eakins had begun to encourage women and blacks to study art seriously. Art historians consider Thomas Eakins (1844-1916) to be not only America’s leading realist artist of the 19th century, but also one of the most important American artists of all time. For example, in The Gross Clinic, Eakins depicts–in exacting detail–Dr. Samuel Gross as he oversees an operation to remove a diseased bone from a patient’s thigh. In addition to his work as a painter, Thomas Eakins joined the staff of the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts in 1876 and became its director six years later.

    In 1879, Henry Ossawa Tanner enrolled in the Pennsylvania Academy and quickly became one of Thomas Eakins’ best students as well as his friend. Unfortunately, however, late 19th century America did not present the best opportunity for an African-American artist. Seeking better prospects, Tanner journeyed to France in 1891 where he spent the remainder of his life and became an internationally celebrated artist.

    For a realist painter, creating a vision of something supernatural presented innumerable problems, which is why almost no realist painters created sacred art. Realist artists embraced Positivism and Empiricism. As a result, they depicted only those events that they themselves could directly observe. Thus, although an artist might use a young woman as a model for a painting of an angel, a realist would never even consider painting an angel. As Gustave Courbet, the leading realist artist said, “I cannot paint an angel because I have never seen one.” Yet Tanner, raised in a religious home by a minister, could not deny his heritage. Like Courbet, he had never seen an angel, but he believed nonetheless in their existence. Thus, he posits the question: what would the Annunciation have really looked like?

    Drawing on his roots as a realist, Tanner portrays Mary as he imagines she would have looked at the moment the angel Gabriel appeared to her. First, he knows that Mary was a teenage Jewish girl from Israel. Thus, ethnically she is Middle Eastern. Tanner portrays her with dark hair and Middle Eastern skin tones, not as a blonde woman from Northern Europe as so many prior artists had done. Not being wealthy, Mary would be dressed in the clothes of a poor person and her room would reflect her humble status. Thus, she sits on her simple bed with its rumpled sheets, in a room with rough plain walls with fissured plaster, and a cracked, cobblestone floor. She has almost no possessions, with the exception of a lamp with its low burning flame and a jug, perhaps filled with water. Like William Holman-Hunt before him, Tanner had visited the Holy Land where he had made sketches and drawings which enabled him to lend a great deal of authenticity to his work.

    Tanner’s Mary is not the regal queen so often portrayed by Renaissance painters like Botticelli and Leonardo. This poor girl does not even have sandals for her feet. In all of Tanner’s religious paintings, he emphasized the humanity of his subjects. Moreover, while Mary seems anxious in the presence of the Angel, she does not seem afraid. With her hands folded in her lap in prayer, she gazes at the angel with peace and serenity. She seems to listen intently to all that he has to say to her.

    Of all Tanner’s divergences from tradition, his depiction of Gabriel as a pillar of light must rank as the most imaginative. Yet, who, not having seen an angel can dispute his interpretation? The traditional artistic depiction of angelic beings with wings presents no more accurate a depiction of a supernatural being than does Tanner.

    Historically, artists had portrayed angels as winged-beings to express their ability to travel. God the Father sends them as messengers from the Heavenly throne to men and women on earth. Theologically, artists realized that angels do not “fly” like birds, but artists employed creative license in order to convey movement and the sense of swiftness with which angels could journey from Heaven to Earth.

    Tanner, as a realist, cannot accept the notion of angels as birds. Like Gustave Courbet, Tanner had never seen an angel, but he knew what angels were: supernatural beings. Thus, he attempted to depict the manner in which a supernatural being might appear to a young woman. Would the being not appear as a form of bright light, that is, a pure spiritual energy? Perhaps.

    However, despite whatever theological statement he tried to make in the Annunciation, Tanner remains first and foremost an artist. By depicting the angel as a being of pure light, the angel becomes the sole light source in the painting. Gabriel illuminates Mary in his Heavenly glow. Note also how the shelf behind the pillar of light intersects with him, thus forming a cross. Note as well how the three pots, the one on the shelf, the one at Gabriel’s “feet,” and the one on the far right behind Mary form a triangle around her. These three pots symbolize not only the Trinity but also her future as the vessel that will bear Our Blessed Lord.

    Henry Ossawa Tanner has broken with realist teachings as well as traditional Annunciation iconography to create a truly inspiring and memorable masterpiece. He has taken his Christian beliefs and combined them with the best of realist ideas to create something unique. As one looks at this painting, one might wonder what Our Lady might have thought of it and Tanner’s portrayal of her. Of course, this question lies far beyond the scope of simple artistic analysis. However, perhaps a hint lies in Our Lady’s own words:

    My soul proclaims the greatness of the Lord,
    my spirit rejoices in God my Savior
    for he has looked with favor on his lowly servant.

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    The Death of Jesus: A Lenten Meditation Apr 01, 2020
    Show notes

    I stood agape beneath a side-wall crucifix that seemed to appear out of nowhere. I had been watching the sanctuary at the front and only saw Jesus on the Cross after entering deeply enough for a parallel gaze once I turned. Dully illuminated, the body affixed to the wood at its usual three points was pulling downwards in the fashion of a true suspended corpse. He had the same pallor mortis I saw when my grandfather died under the frosty window in his bedroom, the skin greyed and tending toward greenish white. This Jesus wore a wig of human hair that hung to his shoulders, jet black and filthy with dust and cobwebs. Had I been in some less-developed corner of the world, I may not have been so taken aback. As it was, though, this was Germany, and I was thoroughly shocked by the unexpected sight––Jesus looked as dead as those who had made this hideous memorial.

    In the years following this encounter, I have often reflected on that crucifix and the countless others like it in little villages. How old was it? Had a man or woman really dedicated their hair to complete the look? Did the people, especially the children, of that village have only this singular image of the Savior? Was it wrong for them to make an object of veneration look like a cadaver? My guess was that the crucifix had been around for centuries and yes, some pious soul must have frozen one winter after dedicating his beautiful long hair to this grotesque manikin. Although there were likely additional images of Jesus in the stained-glass windows or at the Stations of the Cross, I was sure that the body hanging on the Cross had been the object of reflection for generation upon generation. And given that for most of its existence, the people of this village likely never travelled more than a few miles from home, the Jesus on this Cross was their Jesus. Admittedly, this crucifix, even in memory, stood for some time as both a scandal and foolishness to me.

    Recently, I have begun to reflect more deeply on the relationship between the Crucifixion and the Resurrection. In so doing I have been struck by the fact that if Jesus really Resurrected, he had to first really die. This is obvious enough, however, the lingering memory of that cold crucifix has returned to my thoughts. No doubt the villagers who saw the corpse on the Cross every week also believed in the Resurrection. “It was this Jesus,” they must have thought, “this tortured and lifeless body that rose on the third day.” Something in seeing a body on the Cross which really looks dead could, I presume, make the miracle of the Resurrection even more poignant. It is the same inversion as found throughout the Gospels, that the last shall be first, the least the greatest, etc. An encounter with the reality of the death strengthens the miracle of the Resurrection.

    St. Paul surely apprehended this in his first encounter with the risen Lord who addressed himself to the baffled pharisee as the persecuted (Acts 9:3-7), the same Jesus whom Saul-turned-Paul subsequently preached to the Corinthians. “For I judged not myself,” he said, “to know anything among you, but Jesus Christ, and him crucified” (1 Cor. 2:2). In turn, he evoked one of the earliest Christian creeds when reminding the Roman Christians that Christ’s resurrection was from the corpses––resurexione mortuorum (Rom. 1:4). The creed makers did not choose a collective noun signifying “the dead” but much more vividly and literally they had apprehended the Resurrection as being from dead bodies. Jesus shared, they make clear, in the same death that all are bound for. The Cross, perhaps most pointedly in its most graphic details, is foolishness to those who are perishing, but is the power of God for us who are being saved (1 Cor. 18).

    It is a curious thing to consider that the Resurrection did not heal Jesus of his wounds. Jesus, having been killed, is the one who is also now living, and each time he appeared to his disciples he was such––the crucified one who now lives. As the visionary of the Apocalypse proclaimed, he is the lamb slain since the foundation of the world (Rev. 13:8). This is the opposite of a fairytale resurrection where the one killed returns completely transformed and lacking the death-wounds. When Jesus ascended into heaven, he brought his humanity with him, including the stamp of his death. The same is true for his return. It will be the appearance of Christ crucified, bearing his wounds and all, when, as the visionary proclaims, “...every eye shall see him, and they also that pierced him” (Rev. 1:7).

    The truth of this is made apparent in the Latin text of the Easter Preface number III in the Roman Missal:

    Agnus qui vivit semper occisus

    The normal translation is:

    The lamb once slain who lives forever

    But something is lost in that translation, which could just as accurately be rendered:

    The lamb, who having been killed forever, lives

    Neither English rendition does justice to the original, which uses the adverb “always” or “forever” for both “has been killed” and “lives”. Bringing this mystery into a comfortable vernacular seems to force a choice, and the Latin nuance is lost. And lost on me, while scandalized by the corpse crucifix, was the truth about the Resurrection––Jesus who is slain forever lives forever.

    The focus is often placed so highly on the miracle of the Resurrection, which seems to affect the Crucifixion, making the death merely useful as a temporary vehicle, a setting of the stage for Easter. And yet that moment, the moment of death, is the moment captured on Crucifixes since the beginning of the Church. By ascertaining meaning in this fact, that the most human image of devotion has always been the image of human mortality, we can more readily appreciate the mystery of the Resurrection as a part of our human destiny.

    So instead of reminding ourselves from the other side, like men casting lights on the dark sea from the Resurrection lighthouses, we can also suffer in the waves, perhaps even sinking to death with Christ. Meditation upon the death of Jesus, his final words, his abandonment to the ultimate moment of “Eli Eli Lama Sabachthani” and then to the death––when God incarnate became a corpse; meditation upon the reality of his death could, in my opinion, not be wrong. It is far easier to embrace the Resurrection, which dulls the blow of his death. Yet, if we can watch with him this one hour, and if we can remember for him the way he looked as he expired on the Cross, then the miracle of the Resurrection, having been longed for and seen from this tragic position, is elevated and made greater. A crucifix, especially a strikingly graphic one, is a lens into the most agonizing moment the world has ever known. Perhaps it was love of immortality that led the villagers to create so mortal a Jesus for their devotion.

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    Matthew 12:42–45 with St. Augustine Mar 31, 2020
    Show notes

    “When the unclean spirit has gone out of a person, it passes through waterless places seeking rest, but finds none. Then it says, ‘I will return to my house from which I came.’ And when it comes, it finds the house empty, swept, and put in order. Then it goes and brings with it seven other spirits more evil than itself, and they enter and dwell there, and the last state of that person is worse than the first. So also will it be with this evil generation.”

    In Matthew 12, Jesus explains that a person freed from the power of Satan can end up in a worse state than he was in the first place. Why is the person in this analogy so much worse off after having already been “cleansed”? St. Augustine provides an insightful spiritual commentary on this passage that explains what this can look like in a concrete way.

    The Bishop of Hippo explains that “when someone falls away from righteousness, he will also pretend to be virtuous. For when the lust of the flesh has been driven off from its usual actions by penance and does not find delights in which to rest (Matt. 12:43), it returns with greater desire and again occupies the mind of man...” According to Augustine, the seven demons that return with the original demon represent vices that are contrary to the theological virtues (faith, hope, love) and the cardinal virtues (prudence, justice, fortitude, and temperance). The once converted person will now be hypocritical and only “pretend that he has the virtues…”

    Augustine explains that this is what happens to the one who “becomes negligent after [evil] has been driven out, so that the word of God may not be brought in as the inhabitant of a house that has been cleansed by sound doctrine.” In other words, this is a passage that exhorts us to be faithful to God’s Word so that we will not be corrupted by false doctrine. It is not enough to drive evil out–we must also let God in. Otherwise, we may continue to appear a Christian, but, in reality, we will undo what God has done in purifying us. Instead of remaining “empty, swept, and put in order,” our souls will become cluttered, dusty, and disordered.[1]

    [1] Summary by Michael Barber with the use of Augustine, Questions on the Gospels 2.8 in The New Testament I and II, The Works of Augustine, ed. B. Ramsey (New York: New City Press, 2014), 364–365.

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    Friendship with God Mar 30, 2020
    Show notes

    Joseph Pearce asks theologian John Sehorn what friendship with God really means and what it costs.

    Friendship with God Joseph Pearce

    Revisiting The Return of the King Mar 27, 2020
    Show notes

    I’ve just completed the sixteen-hour marathon, run over three consecutive Tuesday evenings at a friend’s house, watching all three extended editions of Peter Jackson’s movie magnum opus, The Lord of the Rings. I’ve already shared my impressions of watching The Fellowship of the Ring and The Two Towers for the first time in possibly ten years or more, perhaps longer. Now, on the morning after The Return of the King, I’m processing my impressions of the third and final film.

    Once again, and to my surprise, it was the extramural interpolations of Jackson and his co-writers which caught my attention and stole the show. The interwoven subplot of Aragorn’s betrothal to Arwen was handled dexterously and decorously, centred on the question of whether Arwen would choose to depart for the Undying Lands with her elven kinsfolk, thereby leaving Aragorn, or whether she would choose “death”, to use her father’s words, by remaining in Middle-earth, in the realm of mere mortals, exiled forever from her kin but united with Aragorn in marriage until Aragorn’s inevitable death parted them. This “will she or won’t she” subplot added emotional depth to the story and heightened the viewer’s awareness of Aragorn’s loyalty and chastity, particularly in the manner in which he conquered his evident attraction to the infatuated Éowyn, remaining loyal to his love for Arwen in spite of his belief that she had chosen to depart for the Undying Lands.

    The most powerful of these extramural moments was Arwen’s vision of an older Aragorn playing joyously with their future son, a son who would never be given the gift of life should Arwen choose to leave Middle-earth with her kinsfolk. The moment when the unborn child looks directly at the mother who might choose to refuse to conceive him is one of the most striking pro-life images that I’ve ever seen on screen.

    A further extramural aspect of The Return of the King is the wonderful Pre-Raphaelite cinematography with respect to the manner in which Arwen’s dilemma is presented. In one particular scene, she looks strikingly like Sir John Everett Millais’ Mariana, robed in mediaeval dress, amidst gloriously golden autumn leaves, looking longingly for the love from whom she is separated. Whether this was intentional on Jackson’s part, the intertextual connection between Arwen and the character depicted by Shakespeare in Measure for Measure and by Tennyson in his poem, “Mariana”, which had inspired Millais’ masterpiece, is striking, though the roguish man to whom Mariana is betrothed is almost the antithesis of the noble and chaste Aragorn.

    If the subplot between Aragorn and Arwen is handled well, the same cannot be said of that between Aragorn and Éowyn. Whereas I had very much enjoyed the way that Éowyn’s role is depicted in The Two Towers, the sexual tension or “chemistry” between the yet-to-be-crowned king and the infatuated shieldmaiden of Rohan is often clunky and even verging on schmaltzy in Jackson’s The Return of the King. Particularly noticeable is the absence of the dignitas, gravitas and restraint that Tolkien employs in the dialogue between these two characters, an aesthetic sin of omission, which is truly reprehensible. Take, for instance, Tolkien’s handling of the moment when Aragorn informs Éowyn that he intends to take the Paths of the Dead. Éowyn stares at him “as one that is stricken”. Believing that Aragorn was going to certain death in taking such a path, she asked nonetheless, her eyes “on fire”, whether she could ride with him.

    “Your duty is with your people,” Aragorn replies.

    “Too often have I heard of duty,” she exclaims bitterly. “May I not now spend my life as I will?”

    “Few may do that with honour,” says Aragorn.

    What a perfect response! Indeed, what a perfect riposte to all those who demand their rights over their responsibilities, doing their “own thing” to the detriment of the common good.

    Then comes one of my favourite parts of the whole book. When Aragorn tells her that Éowyn has “no errand to the South”, she replies that neither do the others whom Aragorn has permitted to accompany him. “They go only because they would not be parted from thee – because they love thee.” She then turns and vanishes into the night. We know that what she has just said, without actually saying it, is that “I would go with thee because I would not be parted from thee – because I love thee”. The power and the glory, and the repressed passion and tension, is in what is not said but which we know she is saying. This would have made for a perfectly marvelous and poignant scene in Jackson’s movie but, instead, we are given dialogue between the two which is relatively trite and poorly written compared with the literary strokes of the master storyteller.

    Whilst I’m griping, succumbing to the spirit of invective, it must be said that Jackson overdoes the cliffhangers, literally. There are far too many scenes of hobbits hanging precariously from cliffs. Such scenes have power in moderation but become mere melodrama when employed too liberally. The same can be said of the use of computer graphics, which very quickly become the most dated aspects of the film; the up-to-date quickly becoming out-of-date as newer technology supplants its antiquated forebears. One example is the ridiculous episode in which Legolas singlehandedly takes down an Oliphaunt in a manner that looks more Mickey Mouse than Middle-earth.

    Such reservations aside, The Return of the King deserves its status as a movie masterpiece, alongside the other two films.

    Let’s conclude with the joy of the happy ending, or what Tolkien called the eucatastrophe, which is not the departure of Frodo and Bilbo to the Undying Lands, a scene which is tinged with melancholy, but with Sam’s return home to the Shire. As he gets home, his daughter runs to greet him, and she is soon joined by his wife, Rosie, who is holding their baby son in her arms. They would go on to have thirteen children. The film ends therefore with the happy family smiling at the camera, a pro-life tableau which shows, as Sam tells us himself in one of the darkest moments of the story, that “above all shadows rides the sun”.

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    Solzhenitsyn and Shostakovich: Two Modes of Resistance to Communism Mar 26, 2020
    Show notes

    For this centenary year of the birth of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn (1918-2008), StAR has chosen to devote another issue to the great writer and “freedom fighter.” The last issue of StAR to focus on Solzhenitsyn was the July/August 2007 issue, a year before Solzhenitsyn’s death at 89. At that time I contributed a piece on Solzhenitsyn’s good friend (and fellow freedom fighter) Mstislav Rostropovich (1927-2007), the esteemed cellist and conductor.[1] In this issue I intend to examine another great Russian musician of the twentieth century, the prodigiously gifted but enigmatic composer Dmitri Shostakovich (1906-1975).[2] Historical and personal events were intertwined in such a complex manner that even today Shostakovich’s political allegiances and opinions are not crystal clear. Interestingly, there is a Catholic connection, although somewhat tenuous. Two generations earlier the family had been Polish and Roman Catholic, but when the composer’s grandfather, Bolesław Szostakowicz, was exiled to Siberia, he settled there after his sentence was over. His son, the composer’s father, became Dmitri Boleslavovich Shostakovich and eventually moved west to Saint Petersburg.

    Shostakovich was the oldest of these three Russian geniuses; he was barely eleven years old when the Russian Revolution occurred and propelled the country into seventy years of Communism. Dmitri’s family were liberal in their politics, so they welcomed the Bolshevik Revolution and the boy was enthusiastic about political changes following the “October Revolution.” Dmitri was the first Russian composer of note to be entirely educated musically within the Soviet system, and this education began in 1919 when he began studies at the Saint Petersburg Conservatory. He immersed himself in his studies of piano and music composition and apparently was not very interested in politics, as in 1926 he did not pass—on his first attempt—the final examination in Marxist methodology. Dmitri’s musical idols at this time were Igor Stravinsky and Sergei Prokofiev, which did not please his composition professor, Maximilian Steinberg. During his conservatory years, too, Shostakovich saw the premiere of his Symphony No. 1, his “senior thesis.” This symphony caught the attention of Bruno Walter in 1927; Walter gave the Symphony No. 1 its Berlin premiere later that same year. Leopold Stowkowski was another world-renowned conductor who saw the merits of Shostakovich’s First Symphony, and not only did he conduct the Philadelphia Orchestra in its United States premiere (1928), he also made the very first recording of it. The young composer’s next two symphonies were more experimental in style, so they did not receive the popular acclaim of the First. The Symphony No. 2 was also a paean to Communism; it was subtitled To October.

    Throughout the late 1920s and early 1930s, Shostakovich worked on his opera Lady Macbeth of the Mtsensk District, which premiered in 1934. Initially, the opera was a great success, both with the people and the government, but two years later a famous—or rather, infamous—event occurred. On 26 January 1936 Joseph Stalin attended a performance of Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk. Shostakovich, who was present at the performance, was horrified to see how Stalin and his cronies were reacting negatively to various aspects of the opera. Several days later Pravda published an unsigned article, “Muddle Instead of Music,” which described the opera as a “deliberately dissonant, muddled stream of sounds … [that] quacks, hoots, pants, and gasps.” Now pressure to recant was put on all those critics who had earlier praised the opera. Even so, some brave souls continued to support Shostakovich. Another attack from Pravda appeared soon after, on February 6th, this time denouncing the composer’s humorous ballet, The Limpid Stream. Shostakovich was pressured into admitting that he was in error for not composing the ballet in a more accessible musical style. This campaign of slander resulted in a large loss of income for Shostakovich, and the December 11th premiere of his Symphony No. 4 was cancelled by government officials.[3] 1936 also marked the beginning of Stalin’s Reign of Terror.

    Shostakovich’s 5th Symphony did receive its premiere in 1937, and this work is traditionally considered to be the composer’s riposte to Stalin’s condemnation of Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk and the 4th Symphony. The music of the 5th Symphony was more accessible, and a newspaper statement purporting to be by Shostakovich described the work as “a Soviet artist’s creative response to just criticism.” This seeming capitulation of the composer to the party, and his public statements praising the Soviet government, led to his being discounted as a serious, bona fide composer. For instance, Harold Schonberg, music critic of the New York Times, would write: “Shostakovich rehabilitated himself in 1937 with his Fifth Symphony. But to all intents and purposes, he was ruined as a composer … He was to write nothing but safe music, repeating old formulas, imitating some of Prokofiev’s mannerisms.” Shostakovich composed many patriotic works, including film scores, and he wrote reams of patriotic essays in official Soviet jargon. So it seemed that Shostakovich was a mere mouthpiece of the Communist party; or was he?

    In 1979, a sea change occurred with the publication of Solomon Volkov’s Testimony: The Memoirs of Dmitri Shostakovich. Volkov claimed to have published interviews and personal conversations he had had with the composer. This was a new, hitherto unknown Shostakovich. Instead of being a willing collaborator with the Soviets, the composer revealed his hatred of Stalin and indicated that his compositions were full of coded references to Stalinist Russia. Terry Teachout remarks: “Testimony had the same effect on Western musicians that the first volume of Aleksandr Solzhenitsyn’s The Gulag Archipelago had on Western intellectuals: some embraced it, some deplored it, but everybody read it.”[4] In fact, one Western intellectual, the American musicologist Laurel Fay, wrote an article criticizing Stasov’s Testimony.[5]She showed that Testimony contained significant plagiarism, with eight sections having been taken from previously published articles by Shostakovich. However, even though scholars like Fay argued over its authenticity, Volkov’s Testimony was positively received by musicians and the concert-going public, “who thereafter ‘read’ Shostakovich’s works as a Solzhenitsyn-like chronicle of life under totalitarianism.”[6] Many friends of the composer maintained that although Volkov’s book had its weaknesses, still it was true in many of its essentials.

    In 1994, however, a book was published that corroborated to a great extent Volkov’s portrait of Shostakovich as dissimulating in his official words, but revealing his real thoughts in his music. Elizabeth Wilson, a cellist who had lived in Russia from 1964-71, published Shostakovich: A Life Remembered, which contained many reminiscences of the composer by friends and associates who, now, in the post-Soviet era, were able to speak honestly. The Soviet regime was so horrific that Shostakovich evidently followed every order merely to survive. He commented about Solzhenitsyn’s novel One Day in the Life of Ivan Denisovich: “[I]t’s reality varnished over, it’s reality varnished over. The truth was ten times worse than that.”[7] Wilson’s Shostakovich: A Life Remembered reveals that Shostakovich despised himself for his public dissimulation, including when he signed an official letter denouncing Solzhenitsyn and Andrei Sakharov. Knowledge of Shostakovich’s double life caused many to re-evaluate his music and to listen to it with new ears. Another British writer, Ian MacDonald, opined that knowledge of the historical context is essential for understanding Shostakovich’s music when he wrote that “listening to Shostakovich’s music without knowing The Gulag Archipelago is equivalent to listening to spoken Russian without a translation.”[8]

    Shostakovich and Solzhenitsyn, then, both hated Communism, but each man responded to the tyranny in his own way. Solzhenitsyn, through his novels, openly and explicitly represented his own sufferings and the sufferings of others. Shostakovich, on the other hand, allowed himself to present a public face of acceptance of Communism while silently suffering. His music, in its non-verbal, symbolic way, represents that same suffering. Whether or not one accepts Shostakovich’s response to life under the Soviet regime, his best music has a depth (and even humor) which identify him as one of the great twentieth-century composers.

    Recommended Recordings

    Shostakovich, Symphonies 1-15, various symphony orchestras conducted by Mstislav Rostropovich. Warner Classics 2564 64177-2

    Shostakovich, Cello Concertos 1 & 2: The Russian Years, Mstislav Rostropovich, cello; Moscow Philharmonic Orchestra, conducted by Gennady Rozhdestvensky; USSR State Symphony Orchestra, conducted by Evgeny Svetlanov. Warner Classics 0190295892227. This is a vintage mono recording remastered for CD.

    Shostakovich, Lady Macbeth of Mtsensk, Vishnevskaya, Gedda, Petkov, London Philharmonic Orchestra, conducted by Mstislav Rostropovich. Warner Classics CD1: 77.50, CD2: 77.03

    [1] “Mstislav Rostropovich: Friend of Solzhenitsyn, Friend of Freedom,” StAR (July/August 2007), 26-28.

    [2] Rostropovich studied with Shostakovich at the Moscow Conservatory and Shostakovich composed his two cello concerti for Rostropovich.

    [3] It finally received its premiere on 30 December 1961.

    [4] Terry Teachout, “The Problem of Shostakovich,” Commentary (February 1, 1995), accessed online.

    [5] Laurel Fay, “Shostakovich versus Volkov: Whose Testimony?” Russian Review 39, no. 4 (1980): 484–93. Laurel Fay, Shostakovich: A Life (Oxford University Press, 2000).

    [6] Teachout

    [7] Teachout

    [8] Ian MacDonald, The New Shostakovich (London, 1990)

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