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    Anticipating the Unintended

    Frameworks, mental models, and fresh perspectives on Indian public policy and politics. This feed is an audio narration by Ad Auris based on the ‘Anticipating the Unintended’ newsletter, a free weekly publication with 8000+ subscribers.

    publicpolicy.substack.com

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    Copyright: © Pranay Kotasthane & RSJ

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    #79 What Do Voter Preferences Reveal? Oct 21, 2020
    Show notes

    This newsletter is really a public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?

    Welcome to the mid-week edition in which we write essays on a public policy theme. The usual public policy review comes out on weekends.

    PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration on all podcasting platforms courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us.

    - RSJ

    The Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in partnership with the research and analytics firm YouGov conducted the Indian American Attitudes Survey (IAAS) between September 1 and September 20, 2020. Sumitra Badrinathan, Devesh Kapur and Milan Vaishnav now have a paper titled ‘How Will Indian Americans Vote’ based on this survey that has a few interesting conclusions.

    The study is useful to test a few hypotheses that have emerged in India in the past few years. These include:

    * Indian Americans have nudged closer to the Republicans on the back of Trump-Modi chemistry. The enthusiasm for PM Modi among NRIs and among BJP supporters in India for Trump has created a positive self-reinforcing cycle for both.

    * Most Indian Americans have turned conservative over time going by their stand on domestic issues in India. This is drawn from the views of many vocal Indian Americans on social media platforms and the anecdotal evidence of friends and family on WhatsApp groups supporting the conservative or majoritarian stance of this regime. This has led many to assume a large defection of Indian Americans from the Democratic camp that leans liberal.

    * There have been multiple instances of the Democratic leadership (Biden, Harris, Warren, Jaypal et al) being critical of India’s position on various core issues like revocation of Article 370, the clampdown in Kashmir and the handling of CAA protests. There’s been a feeling the Democrats will lose support among Indian Americans because of this.

    * Lastly, Indian Americans are seen as a model minority that’s highly educated, law-abiding with twice the national average household income. Will the typical minority issues like immigration, race and identity politics animate them like they do for other minorities?

    The key conclusions from the study are summarised below. It is quite an eye-opener when you consider the hypotheses outlined above.

    * Indian Americans remain solidly with the Democratic Party. Recent anecdotal narratives notwithstanding, there is scant evidence that Democratic voters are defecting toward Trump and the Republican Party. Seventy-two percent of registered Indian American voters plan to vote for Biden and 22 percent intend to vote for Trump in the 2020 November election.

    * Indian Americans do not consider U.S.-India relations to be one of the principal determinants of their vote choice in this election. The economy and healthcare are the two most important issues influencing the vote choice of Indian Americans, although supporters of the two parties differ on key priorities. “Kitchen table” issues dominate over foreign policy concerns.

    * Indian Americans exhibit signs of significant political polarization. Just like the wider voting public, Republican and Democratic Indian American voters are politically polarized and hold markedly negative views of the opposing party and divergent positions on several contentious policy issues—from immigration to law enforcement.

    * U.S.-born Indian American citizens tilt left compared to foreign-born citizens. While both U.S.-born and naturalized Indian Americans favor the Democratic Party, this tilt is more pronounced for U.S.-born Indian Americans. Political participation by naturalized citizens is more muted, however, manifesting in lower rates of voter turnout and weaker partisan identification.

    * Harris has mobilized Indian Americans, especially Democrats. Harris’s vice presidential candidacy has galvanized a large section of the Indian American community to turn out to vote. On balance, while the Harris pick might not change large numbers of votes (given the community’s historic Democratic orientation), her candidacy is linked to greater enthusiasm for the Democratic ticket.

    * A large section of Indian Americans view the Republican Party as unwelcoming. Indian Americans refrain from identifying with the Republican Party due, in part, to a perception that the party is intolerant of minorities and overly influenced by Christian evangelicalism. Those who identify as Republicans are primarily moved to do so because of economic policy differences with the Democrats—with particularly marked differences regarding healthcare.

    * Political beliefs seep into perceptions of U.S.-India bilateral relations. Indian Americans believe Democrats do a better job of managing U.S.-India ties by a considerable margin while Republicans hold more favorable views of Modi.

    Bottom line: That nationalist, majoritarian NRI friend on your WhatsApp group finds virtues in liberalism while making their electoral choice.

    Voter Apathy ≠ Political Apathy

    — Pranay Kotasthane

    Indian governments’ don’t do well on law and order, education, and public health. And yet there’s wide support whenever Indian governments and political parties promise new schemes to accomplish even grander things. What explains this paradox?

    I have two hypotheses.

    One, the political enthusiasm hypothesis. This is the reverse of the voter apathy idea. It means that the voters who have a disproportionate influence on setting the political agenda (read middle-income voters) were never apathetic to politics but only to government provision of public services.

    They became apathetic towards government provision of public services because rising incomes meant that they could substitute the missing services with their own private solutions. Having done that, politics became a means to achieve other outcomes — those unrelated to market failures. Voting apathy never meant political apathy.

    See this from the Exit, Voice, Loyalty thesis. Loyalty makes exit difficult. So the median Indian voter never really exited from Indian politics and instead chose to voice concerns unrelated to government provision of basic services.

    My second hypothesis is more charitable to the Indian voter. I call it the expanding moral arc thesis. It is based on the book The Moral Arc by Michael Shermer. The book argues that the moral arc is continuously expanding because of science and reason.

    The key insight for us is that Indian politics is being played out in the background of this increasing moral arc. This makes the Indian developmental challenge possibly more moral but definitely less fast. The inequality narrative in India is a reflection of this expanding moral arc. The government’s role in India is seen as a moral project, not a utilitarian one and hence we are okay to give its record on fixing market failures a free pass.

    (Originally published at express.thinkpragati.com on April 2, 2019)

    HomeWork

    Reading and listening recommendations on public policy matters

    * [Article] Systematic Inequality and American Democracyby Danyelle Solomon, Connor Maxwell, and Abril Castro published by the Centre for American Progress

    * [Article] David Brooks on social trust and moral convulsions in America

    * [Video] This discussion on Raghuram Rajan’s The Third Pillar: How Markets and the State Leave the Community Behind is worth a watch. It will make you think harder about the distinct roles of the state, markets, and the community.


    This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit publicpolicy.substack.com

    #78 Radically Nefarious Outrage Oct 18, 2020
    Show notes

    This newsletter is really a weekly public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us.Matsyanyaaya: Constraining the Pakistani Military-Jihadi ComplexBig fish eating small fish = Foreign Policy in action— Pranay KotasthaneAfter a long time, India-Pakistan talks were back making the headlines last week. Moeed Yusuf, Special Assistant on National Security and Strategic Policy Planning to the Pakistani PM, hinted in an interview to The Wire that backchannel discussions about a political dialogue are in the works. We don’t think political dialogues between India and Pakistan at the highest levels are useful. To the contrary, talks, especially at higher levels of the political spectrum, have a close correlation with terrorist attacks engineered by the Pakistani military-jihadi complex (MJC). MJC is a framework we use to describe Pakistan’s seemingly duplicitous behaviour. That’s because Pakistan is not one geopolitical entity, but two. The first is a putative state which has all the paraphernalia that gives it a veneer of a normal state. However, this putative state competes with a multi-dimensional entity comprised of military, militant, radical Islamist and political-economic structures that pursues a set of domestic and foreign policies to ensure its own survival and relative dominance: something we refer to as the military-jihadi complex (MJC).The status of the talks aside, I wrote a paper analysing the impact of some major recent political developments on the MJC and its India policy. I take stock of four developments, and analyse the risks and opportunities arising out of these developments for the MJC, and hence to India.Development #1: The MJC’s External Benefactors Have ChangedEarlier, the MJC’s adventures were bankrolled indirectly by the US and directly by Saudi Arabia. Those days are long gone. The most important financier for the MJC now is China. Risks and opportunities for IndiaThe most prominent risk is that because the MJC is dependent on PRC like never before, and both are adversarial to India, it will continue to hurt Indian interests in order to prove its relevance to PRC. The opportunity for India is that as PRC and MJC come closer, it will be easier to expose the structural flaws in their unequal relationship. As PRC increases its influence in Pakistan’s economy, nationalist forces (and even sections of the MJC) are likely to create fault lines between the two countries. Countermeasures and Preparedness India should prepare to face a diplomatic offensive of the MJC-PRC combine at various multilateral fora over Kashmir. Closer ties with the US, Japan, Australia and France are important to tackle this offensive. India also needs to be prepared for a rise in infiltration attempts and terrorist activity in Kashmir. As a countermeasure, India’s messaging should aim to accentuate the underlying cultural, social, and economic differences between China and Pakistan in order to reduce the flow of capital from PRC to the MJC. The weaker the MJC’s external benefactor, the more constrained it will be. Development #2: The US-Taliban Peace AgreementThe MJC has played a major role in steering and pressuring the Afghan Taliban to sign this agreement. In the process, it managed to partially repair flailing ties with the US. More importantly, it made major headway in its long-cherished aim of installing a pliant government in Kabul. Risks and opportunities for IndiaThe acceptance of the Taliban as a legitimate political force by the US is a moral and material victory for the MJC. The US-Taliban peace agreement is a tangible result for its policy of sustained terrorism in Afghanistan. Even a partial withdrawal of the US on the Taliban’s—and by extension, the MJC’s—terms will reaffirm the MJC’s faith in using terrorism as state policy. It might then apply this lesson to double down on terrorism against India as well. India’s economic and diplomatic footprint will reduce in the short term. A case in point is the MJC’s attempt to designate four Indian nationals in Afghanistan under the UN 1267 Sanctions List accusing them of spreading terrorism in Pakistan.Another risk is the MJC relocating its terror networks to Loya Paktika in eastern Afghanistan, a hotbed of anti-India activities in the past. This would allow the MJC to use terrorism against India while claiming that it has driven terrorists out of Pakistan. The long-term opportunity for India is that as the US reduces its presence, Pakistan will be left with the unenviable task of managing the volatile situation in Afghanistan. It will be drawn into the seemingly irreconcilable differences in the Afghanistan polity. If a civil war-like situation erupts, the MJC will be left with more problems in its hands. Countermeasures and Preparedness India needs to be prepared for a scenario in which the MJC attempts to eliminate all Indian presence in Afghanistan. India must act to help its friends, not just in northern Afghanistan but also in the anti-Taliban forces in the south. At the same time, India would need to look at opening links, if not already done, with sections of the Taliban that do not want to be beholden to the MJC’s control. Finally, India’s focus in Afghanistan over the long-term should shift towards eliminating Pakistan-backed terrorist outfits’ relocation to eastern Afghanistan. Development #3: India’s Revocation of the Special Status of Jammu and KashmirGiven how invested the MJC has been in fomenting trouble in J&K, it is unlikely to take the abrogation of Article 370 lying down. Any action in Kashmir helps the MJC prove its relevance to the Pakistani society in the short-term. Hence, it would be eager to use this situation to further destabilise J&K and spread unrest elsewhere in India citing India’s move as the reason. Risks and opportunities for IndiaThe MJC is likely to continue with its policy of abetment of civil disobedience and violent protests. It will continue to support cross-border terrorism and might even resume a new insurgency against the Indian State by creating new outfits. The MJC would also want to revive insurgencies in other parts of India. Finally, India will face diplomatic offensive from PRC and Pakistan in the coming months over this move. The opportunity for India arising out of this development is a chance to change the nature of the social contract of Kashmiris with the Indian state once and for all. Previous attempts at growth and prosperity in Kashmir were opposed by fundamentalists who saw these as attempts to change the demographic character of the Kashmir valley. The change in the special status of J&K allows India to ignore such calls and bring economic opportunities to Kashmir. Preparedness and countermeasures One, India needs to shift to a surgical and “smart” Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) approach whose provisions can be limited in time and space. A change in the AFSPA will signal New Delhi’s bona fides and invite Kashmiri political leaders to reciprocate. Second, the Government of India should opt for marginal, and not maximal response. It should reverse the damage done to the morale of the J&K police. It should lift the communications blockade and allow public protests and demonstrations to resume as these outlets are key to reducing the importance of the MJC as the prime influencer. Third, India can consider deploying a Special Task Force of highly capable middle-level civil servants from across India for a period of three years to restore broken governance delivery systems. With COVID-19, the tourism economy of Kashmir has been severely hit. This could make the young more vulnerable to the MJC’s machinations. Hence it is important for India to find livelihood alternatives. One way to do that is to create Priority Development Areas for the promotion of agro-processing, premium bottled water, and premium handicrafts. In the Jammu plains, the government could invite investors in contract farming. Bringing in international expertise in this space would also be a positive step. Next, India needs to develop a strategic communication plan to defeat false and competing narratives generated by the MJC. Finally, conducting local and assembly elections in the medium term to restart the political machinery and reverting J&K to a full state under the Republic of India after announcing elections will take off the edge from the MJC’s misinformation campaigns. As a direct countermeasure, India should draw the world’s attention to the atrocities the MJC has unleashed in FATA. The Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM) — a protest movement poses a unique challenge to the MJC because of its mass support base and a nonviolent character. This movement has the potential to seriously challenge the MJC and India’s efforts in Pakistan should be to align with the Pashtun cause. The Baloch insurgency by itself is too weak to change the power equations in Islamabad. Development #4: Pakistan’s economic downturnThis weak domestic economy, coupled with the MJC’s diminished inability to extract from its external benefactors, also affects the MJC’s fortunes. It is now forced to look inwards and corner more resources for itself. Risks and opportunities for IndiaA weakened economy reduces the range of options available to the MJC and makes some elements of it risk-averse. This means that the MJC will continue to rely on low-cost asymmetric options such as terrorism to hurt India. Abetting and sponsoring terrorism in areas with active insurgencies, both in Afghanistan and India are likely to continue. The opportunity for India is that a weak economy puts the MJC squarely against forces opposed to it. For instance, the Pakistani Army has been opposing a reform for a fair division of financial resources between the federal and provincial governments. This offers an opportunity for India because this fight over economic resources has a powerful ethnic dimension. Sindh, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and Balochistan — all three provinces that stood to gain from the 18th constitutional amendment see this controversy as another attempt by the overwhelmingly Punjabi Pakistani Army to amass resources at their cost. Preparedness and countermeasures Whenever the MJC’s popularity declines in Pakistan, tensions with India allow it to regain lost ground. So, India should be prepared to face new asymmetric warfare attempts. To further constrain the MJC, India should utilise the FATF mechanism and press upon the member countries that Pakistan still remains a hotbed of institutionalised terror activity. FATF grey-listing will make capital inflows difficult in an already investment-starved economy. Finally, studies to expose how the MJC corners economic resources of the Pakistani state might also help manufacture a public opinion within Pakistan that questions the MJC. The lynchpin of the MJC, the Pakistani Army, is still the most trusted institution in Pakistan. To get the two Pakistans to lock horns with each other, a public narrative needs to be built exposing the extractive nature of the MJC. After discussing these four developments, I end with the warning that the extent to which India can deploy these countermeasure options is limited by its own domestic situation. For one, a weak economy means that India will become cautious in exercising options that demand considerable resources. Secondly, the communally charged domestic narrative that the Citizenship Amendment Act has unleashed allows the MJC to reciprocally exploit fissures in Indian society. Conversely, a fast-growing economy and a stable, peaceful society will allow India to exploit a wider range of options to tackle the MJC. The full paper can be read here. India Policy Watch: That Tanishq AdInsights on burning policy issues in India— RSJTanishq, a Tata company, withdrew its latest ad for its new collection titled ‘Ekatvam’ (“oneness”) after #boycottTanishq trended on Twitter. The ad featured a pregnant Hindu woman being surprised by her Muslim mother-in-law who had organised an elaborate traditional Hindu baby shower ceremony for her. This was a generic feel-good ad that’s a staple during the festive season. The Hindu-Muslim angle is one of the more tried and tested variants of this genre. No one was shown in any bad light and Suraj Barjatya would have been proud of its cloying storyline. Yet, There Was Outrage There were three reasons for the outrage depending on the sophistry of people being outraged. First, the ad was seen as an attempt to normalise ‘love jihad’ – a belief that Muslim men are being trained and supported by forces inimical to India to woo Hindu girls and marry them in a ‘fresh’ attempt to colonise India. The government in parliament has denied its existence. It doesn’t require a lot of common sense to see through the lack of logic of this notion. That Muslim men will organise themselves to colonise India one Hindu girl at a time seems like a lot of effort with many low probability events to come through. Love in India doesn’t bloom easily even among the young of the same caste and community. ‘Love marriages’ still account for less than seven per cent all marriages. There’s no proof that Muslim men are being trained on some kind of finishing school that specialises in wooing techniques. Importantly, this assumes Hindu girls to be devoid of any agency of their own to decide who to fall in love with and marry. Despite these obvious logical flaws, the narrative around ‘love jihad’ has built up over the years. The Muslim stars of Bollywood who have Hindu wives are often indirectly cited as role models for Muslim boys. As an aside, generations of Muslim female actors have married Hindu men over the years in Bollywood (from Nargis, Mumtaz, Zarina Wahab to Sonam). Any incident of a Hindu girl falling in love with a Muslim boy is used as an example of ‘love jihad’ and played up. The parents of girls in India live with multiple anxieties regarding their safety, well-being and marriage even in this day and age. This is unfortunate. To such paranoia, it isn’t too difficult to add ‘love jihad’. The second lot of outragers followed good, old whataboutery. Their contention: if the ad was serious about Hindu-Muslim amity, it should have reversed the roles. The girl should have been Muslim in a Hindu household. Apparently, this would have triggered massive Muslim protests, violence and liberal outrage about Hindus cornering the minorities and obliterating their identity and customs. This is all too easy to puncture. There have been films galore in the past two decades that have stereotyped Muslim jihadi villains without much of an outrage. In fact, Indian popular culture is replete with stereotypical Muslims – from a do-gooder neighbour, to a pir or, of late, a radical or a jihadi – without much of a reaction from the community. It is a bit specious to believe a reversal of roles would have meant trouble.Lastly, there are those who have accused Tanishq of being too ‘woke’ for their own good. The argument is they should focus on selling jewellery and stay from ‘social causes’ that they don’t have an idea about. These aren’t compelling arguments. Consumer brands draw from the society to shape their communications. They research behaviour pattern, track changing social mores, and take stock of the attitudes and values prevalent in the society on an ongoing basis. No wonder advertisements often capture the zeitgeist earlier than other forms of popular culture – from yeh d…

    Full show notes at the publisher

    #77 The Inflation Conundrum 🎧 Oct 14, 2020
    Show notes

    This newsletter is really a public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?

    Welcome to the mid-week edition in which we write essays on a public policy theme. The usual public policy review comes out on weekends.

    PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us. Listen in podcast app

    - RSJ

    The Trump administration is negotiating another stimulus package with Democrats that could be upwards of US$ 1.8 trillion. The Federal Reserve’s balance sheet continues to expand since the beginning of the pandemic. There’s a possibility it could touch US$ 10 trillion by the end of the year as it buys up treasuries, corporate bonds, mortgage-backed securities and muni bonds. With all this liquidity in the system and money in the hands of the average American, the macroeconomic puzzle is: where is the promised inflation? And if there’s no rise in inflation after such a dramatic increase in the deficit, why should the US bother about financial prudence? Why not just print money and spend your way to growth and prosperity?

    The Indian Case

    This has some resonance for India too. The loose monetary and fiscal policy regime we ran for longer than necessary after the global financial crisis (GFC) leading to high inflation in 2012-14 still casts a long shadow. That experience led to the flexible inflation target (FIT) that was set by the government for the Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) of the RBI. The results of the FIT regime have been mixed. It had become clear a couple of quarters before the pandemic began that this policy needed a relook. Growth had slowed down to a 4-5 per cent range while inflation remained at 4 per cent in the second half of last FY. But members of MPC-1 (whose term ended in September 2020) paused on rate cuts for the fear of inflation going beyond 6 per cent bound. Even at the peak of demand destruction in August, the MPC-1 had taken a hawkish stance on inflation that had the bond market worried.

    The slew of measures announced by the RBI last week to keep the liquidity high in the system and to improve transmission from banks to borrowers to spur growth coupled with the commentary from the newly formed MPC-2, suggested it is willing to look past inflation running above 6 per cent. This came as a relief to the bond market as yields fell and spreads narrowed. The inflation question for India is relevant too. Will the quantitative easing done so far by RBI and its promise to continue to do more lead to higher inflation?

    What To Make Of Inflation?

    At the heart of these questions is whether the Friedman doctrine on inflation that has guided the actions of central banks for the better part of the last four decades still valid. He wrote:

    “Inflation is always and everywhere a monetary phenomenon in the sense that it is and can be produced only by a more rapid increase in the quantity of money than in output.”

    The experience in the decade since the global financial crisis (GFC) doesn’t seem to bear Friedman out. Inflation has remained persistently low despite multiple rounds of quantitative easing by the Fed. There are structural reasons including a change in demographic composition, technological progress and innovation, productivity increases and global trade that account for this. This low inflation period in the developed world has meant there is a significant change in inflation expectations because of quantitative easing measures this time around. How do we know this?

    Let’s look at the US 10-year yield movements over the past decade. In the aftermath of the GFC between 2009-13, on all occasions when the Fed pulled the QE lever (QE1, 2 and 3), the yields rose sharply on its announcement and fell when it ended. This showed there was a strong expectation of future inflation which led to people switching to short-term bonds from the longer ones. The pandemic related QE hasn’t seen this though. So far in 2020, the QE announcements by the Fed have hardly moved the needle on bond yields.

    People no longer believe a loose monetary policy will lead to future inflation.

    Central Banks’ Actions During The Pandemic

    However, there is one significant difference in stimulus this time around. During the GFC, there was no significant fiscal stimulus provided by the US Treasury. It was a financial crisis, not a broader economic one. And it was solved by pumping more liquidity into the system. This time the quantum of fiscal stimulus to prevent destruction of demand has been enormous. Once the economy recovers and demand comes back organically, this extra money supply in the system will lead to future inflation. To what extent and when is still unknown. But the Fed is willing to have that kind of ‘heating’ up of the economy to support growth. And it doesn’t want to be forced to act when that happens. That’s the reason it moved to an average inflation targeting regime last month to give itself greater manoeuverability to take steps that could push inflation beyond the target of 2 per cent. It also signalled its intention of not raising the almost zero-bound interest rates anytime soon even if the inflation crosses 2 per cent.

    In India too the message seems to be similar. We haven’t had a fiscal stimulus to match that of the US. But the RBI wants to signal it is willing to live with inflation running above ‘comfortable’ level in the coming days. The MPC report last week claimed almost 80 per cent of the increase in inflation beyond the 4 per cent target can be attributed to supply chain disruptions and increase in fuel prices. This it believes is a short-term phenomenon and inflation will be in the 5 per cent range next year. This is underlined to give comfort to bond investors to buy government securities without the fear of a near-term interest rate hike to contain inflation. Further, the other step announced by RBI in extending the HTM (hold-to-maturity) limits by another year to March 2022 is to protect any bondholder from the volatility of prices and booking losses on account of it. The overall RBI signal is it doesn’t want the worry of rising inflation and a consequent rate increase to come in the way of growth. It’s focus now is on improving the transmission of rate cuts to the borrowers to stimulate growth.

    All of these point to two distinct shifts in thinking in monetary policymaking in both US and India. One, mere monetary expansion isn’t sufficient to trigger high inflation. Two, central banks are looking beyond price stability to include nominal GDP growth, currency management and employment as their objectives. This will be tough to manage but it is a more realistic set of goals to pursue in the current environment.

    HomeWork

    Reading and listening recommendations on public policy matters

    * [Article] Why is Inflation so low? by Juan Sanchez and Hee Sung Kim published by the Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis.


    This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit publicpolicy.substack.com

    #76 Yeh Strategic, Strategic Kya Hai?🎧 Oct 11, 2020
    Show notes

    This newsletter is really a weekly public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us.India Policy Watch: Thinking About Digital ColonialismInsights on burning policy issues in India— RSJThe unbridled power of large digital platforms is back in focus. Last week Google India announced all apps within Play Store must use its billing system that charges a 30 per cent commission on all transactions. The Indian start-up community that has been angling for raising barriers for global platforms to access domestic market lost no time in pushing back against the ‘Google Tax’. That seems to have worked. Google has postponed this move to April 2022. Google (and Apple) claim this commission is the compensation for their efforts at keeping their stores safe and secure.Meanwhile, the US Congressional investigation into the power of Big Tech (Amazon, Apple, Facebook and Google) concluded last week with a voluminous 450-page report. The report indicts them in no uncertain terms:"These firms have too much power, and that power must be reined in and subject to appropriate oversight and enforcement. Our economy and democracy are at stake.”The recommendations (pg 378 onward) to rein in these companies and restore competition in the digital economy however cover familiar grounds – structural separation of lines of business, curbs on acquisitions, allowing interoperability and open access, checking abuse of bargaining powers and strengthening antitrust laws and enforcement. You could almost use the same recommendations a century ago when looking to control railroad or oil monopolies. Surely, these will be useful (if they eventually translate into laws) to bring a semblance of control over Big Tech. But will they be enough?I don’t think so.The traditional way of looking at monopolies is to understand the factors that lead to their creation and the abuse they inflict or the harm they do to the customers and the society. The sources of monopoly power usually are technology, control of natural resources, access to capital or lack of alternatives in the market. This power is then abused by the monopolist. The most common abuse is that of being a price maker that maximises profits. The usual antitrust laws attack both the source and the abuse of monopoly power.But there’s a problem in regulating Big Tech with these antitrust laws: the source of their monopoly power and the harm they do to societies is orthogonal to how the traditional monopolies operated.Given this, how should we think about regulating them? We can begin by analysing the dominance of these players in the digital economy using the traditional monopoly framework and then going beyond it.I will elaborate on this next.* Digital monopolies are unavoidable: There’s no single source of monopoly power for them. Its an alchemy of network effect, bundling of services, a bottomless pit of capital and high exit barriers that create a lock-in for customers. This makes it a winner-takes-all market. Infusing competitive intensity by breaking up these firms on lines of business or creating a ‘local’ alternative won’t work because these Big Tech ‘babies’ will soon turn into a monopoly.* Two-sided platforms: Most big tech firms have been successful in creating two-sided platforms of buyers and sellers. Sometimes this is apparent to the end customer (for instance, Uber) but often this isn’t (Google or Facebook). In these two-sided platforms, the tech firms tend to be monopolies (dominant seller) on one side and monopsonies (dominant buyer) on the other. So, Google has a near-monopoly on search that it provides for free. On the other hand, for any company wanting to advertise on digital platforms, Google is the dominant buyer. It actually auctions keywords. This two-sided dominance is different from the monopolies of the past.* There’s no ‘one’ business: In the earlier era, the dominance of a monopoly could be easily understood because of the distinct nature of their business. A railroad company was just in that business. So was a telecom company. But it’s difficult to categorise the big tech players into a single type of business. Amazon can position itself as a tech company to investors, an e-commerce platform to sellers and a retailer to regulators. Facebook is a social media platform whose business isn’t easy to define. Maybe it is a publisher or a media company, but it isn’t structured like one. Maybe it’s a community that brings the world closer (ha!). What’s worse the companies themselves don’t know where they will end up in future. Facebook has long wanted to start a digital currency and become a financial services company. Amazon has become the largest cloud service provider plus an on-demand entertainment platform while Google has its moonshots including wanting to be an autonomous car company. Which business of these companies do you regulate?* Asymmetry of power and knowledge: In a traditional monopoly situation, the customers sense the harm in the form of exploitative prices or a lack of voice in making their grievances heard. This is almost absent here. On any traditional yardstick of customer satisfaction – loyalty, retention or advocacy – these platforms score high. The pervasive nature of these platforms is such even a few minutes of outage creates widespread anxiety. Most customers have no sense of their exploitation despite the platforms knowing and using almost everything about the customer. This is the definition of absolute asymmetry where one side doesn’t even know there’s asymmetry.* Data appropriation: The ‘natural resources’ over which these platforms have a monopoly are our attention and the data that flows from the rhythms of our daily lives. The attention and data are then transmuted into factors of production and monetised in many different ways. All of this is done through our consent. Life is too short to read the terms and conditions while signing up to these platforms. The unanticipated consequences of handing over these ‘natural resources’ are difficult to fathom for most people. From nudging you to buy something you didn’t need, to flooding your timelines with propaganda that’s aimed at you – the algorithms control your behaviour. This monopoly power is difficult to dimension. Even the platforms often don’t understand it. The frequent defence that Facebook puts up in various senate hearings attests to this. They don’t know how to control what’s coming up in your timelines. The program knows your ‘persona’ and it does what it has to do.* Geographic boundaries: The nature of the digital economy is such that these monopolies don’t have geographic boundaries. The seamless nature of the platform and its monopoly on attention and data as resources ensure they can extend their monopoly anywhere in the world. How do you regulate a global monopoly? Do you take a nationalistic agenda and stop them at your boundaries? That will only mean setting up domestic monopolies. Who do you trust more? A global monopoly that adheres to the best corporate governance norms or a domestic monopoly in countries with weak institutions or that lack democratic accountability?* Loss of freedom and the end of thought: The data and attention appropriation done through these platforms constrain our choices: we live in echo chamber of our opinions, we buy things that are suggested to us and we see a version of reality that’s tailor-made for us and that no one else is seeing. Often the term ‘digital colonialism’ is bandied about when talking about Big Tech. This lack of freedom to be oneself, discover things on our own and not be dispossessed of our right to choose is what colonialism is about. That we have done this voluntarily and for convenience and value that’s quite apparent is what makes this difficult to legislate.* A new form of capitalism: One way to manage this kind of monopoly is to let things play out. To let evolution take care of this. There will be a period of monopolies reigning across sectors. Soon there will be overlapping of interests and territories among them. It is attention and data that are being monopolised and beyond a point, they are finite too. They will fight among themselves, get bruised and breakup in the process. Also, there will always be newer opportunities that will attract smaller, nimbler firms that will beat these incumbents. This has happened throughout history and there’s no reason to believe this time is unique. A new form of capitalism will evolve after a period of digital colonialism. It won’t be better or worse. It will just be different.What’s resistance then?It is not easy to legislate the resistance to these monopolies. The policymakers are using the tried and tested tools to counter them. They will yield some benefits in the short-term. But they will be largely ineffective for the reasons we have mentioned above. The other options like moral pressure to delete an app or the self-control to stay away from these players can’t scale up. Such measures also don’t consider the huge benefits these platforms deliver to us. The truth is technology will remain a step ahead of us. The idea that we can tame it is also a non-starter.There are proponents of ethical algorithms who believe a societal code or a legislative norm for how algorithms are to be used is the way ahead. There are others who believe handing over control or making users aware of how their data is being used and compensating them for it. This will make it a fair bargain. Maybe it will. These are early days of policymaking in this area. There’s a need for deeper philosophical and sociological work in this space that will enable our thinking in how to legislate this. Until then we think the house report is a good place to get things started.A Framework a Week: What Makes an Asset Strategic?Tools for thinking public policy— Pranay KotasthaneFrom AI to semiconductor chips and from data to rare earth metals, a whole lot of assets are labelled as being strategic by many governments and analysts. And yet, there’s no conceptual clarity as to what the term strategic means.Most often, it is narrowly used to describe assets that are critical for the military. In this definition, only goods that can be used for war or to threaten war qualify as strategic, an obvious example being nuclear technology.By another definition, assets that are critical for the economy or military and have no other easily available substitutes, qualify as strategic. For example, oil becomes a strategic asset for India using this definition.So what really is strategic then? I was lucky to stumble upon a framework which tackles this fundamental question. Jeffery Ding and Alan Dafoe in their paper The Logic of Strategic Assets: From Oil to AI theorise that:Strategic Level of Asset = Importance * Externality * NationalizationThe strategic level of an asset is a product of the following three factors:* Importance: an asset’s economic and/or military utility (some sectors, e.g. freight transport, contribute more to economic growth than others, e.g. high-end fashion).* Externality: the economic and/or security externalities associated with an asset, such that uncoordinated firms and individual military organizations will not optimally attend to the asset. (e.g. the positive externalities generated by research into foundational technologies, which private actors under-invest in because they do not capture all the gains from spillovers).* Nationalization: the degree to which these externalities differentially accrue to the nation and one’s allies, and not to rivals (e.g. fundamental research in medicine has positive externalities, but they may easily diffuse to other rival nations, which limits an asset’s strategic level).What’s interesting here is that the authors apply the economic concept of externality to a question in the national security domain. They contend that some assets and technologies demonstrate the characteristics of an externality-like market failure. This means that uncoordinated firms and individual military organisations underproduce these strategic assets and hence the attention of the State is required.These externalities are distilled into three forms:* “Cumulative-strategic logic involves assets and sectors with high barriers to entry linked to cumulative processes, such as first-mover dynamics, incumbency advantages, and economies of scale. These high barriers to entry lead the market to under-invest, and military organizations to require explicit state support to achieve nationally optimal investments. Aircraft engines [1945-present] serve as a representative example, as high research and development costs associated with these complex technical systems make it so that only a handful of firms can compete.* Infrastructure-strategic logic involves assets that generate positive spillovers across the national economy or military system, which sub-national actors (e.g. firms or militarybranches) under-invest in because they do not appropriate all the associated gains. These are often central technologies that complement and upgrade the national technological system. A representative example is railroads [1840-1860].* Dependency-strategic logic involves assets whose supply is concentrated in a limited number of suppliers. Due to the lack of substitutes, these assets are often vulnerable to supply disruptions… Individual firms do not fully internalize the downside of a cut-off for the nation’s economy or military, for which continued access to these dependency-strategic assets is at risk due to the lack of substitute goods and alternative suppliers. Nitrates [1914-1918] are a representative example, as the British naval blockade prevented Germany from importing nitrates from Chile, the world’s principal supplier.”These three logics are not mutually exclusive. The authors argue that states should pay especially close attention to those technologies and goods that exhibit multiple strategic logics. The figure below illustrates the overlap:(Source: Jeffery Ding and Alan Dafoe, The Logic of Strategic Assets: From Oil to AI)This framework is a really useful tool for prioritising strategic assets. Using this framework, which assets qualify as being strategic for India, you reckon?Poetry In Public Policy: Louise Gluck—RSJLousie Gluck has won the Nobel Prize for Literature (2020) for “her unmistakable poetic voice that with austere beauty makes individual existence universal”.“She writes oneiric, narrative poetry recalling memories and travels, only to hesitate and pause for new insights. The world is disenthralled, only to become magically present once again.”Gluck possesses a direct, natural style that shines a light on our imperfections with a detached clarity. But that doesn’t take away from the beautiful, lyrical compositions that stay with us for long. She is one of the originals.Nostos by Louise GlückThere was an apple tree in the yard --this would have beenforty years ago -- behind,only meadows. Driftsof crocus in the damp grass.I stood at that window:late April. Springflowers in the neighbor's yard.How many times, really, did the treeflower on my birthday,the exact day, notbefore, not after? Substitutionof the immutablefor the shifting, the evolving.Substitution of the imagefor relentless earth. Whatdo I know of this place,the role of the tree for decadestaken by a bonsai, voicesrising from the tennis courts --Fields. Smell of the tall grass, new cut.As one expects of a lyric poet.We loo…

    Full show notes at the publisher

    #75 "Out-atmanirbharing" The Competition Oct 07, 2020
    Show notes

    This newsletter is really a public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?

    Welcome to the mid-week edition in which we write essays on a public policy theme. The usual public policy review comes out on weekends.

    PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us. Listen in podcast app

    - RSJ

    There’s that old joke about outrunning the bear:

    Two campers are walking through a forest when they see a bear about a hundred feet away. The first camper digs into his backpack, pulls his running shoes out and starts changing into them. The other camper is puzzled – “Let’s run. Why are you wasting time changing shoes? You can’t outrun the bear.”

    “I don’t need to, the first camper replies. “I just need to outrun you.”

    Atmanirbhar Is Everywhere

    In corporate India these days, you don’t even need to outrun the competition. You just need to out-atmanirbhar them.

    It is difficult to find a single interview of any business leader these days without a reference to Atmanirbhar Bharat. Every company is working to be atmanirbhar including those whose business model is founded on free international trade (Exhibit A: Xiaomi ‘more Indian’ smartphone brand than any other). Opportunism is an addiction. You can’t resist it even when you know it will harm you. Of course, going against the grain of atmanirbhar has its own challenges. Ask Toyota.

    Yet, it is one thing to contort yourself and position all your initiatives as atmanirbhar; it is quite another to use it to settle corporate scores or block competitors from entering your market. We have seen this film before. The traditional business houses pre-1991 weren’t agitating for open markets, low tariff regime and fewer government restrictions in business. Instead most used these to their advantage, kept upstarts out and extend their market dominance. The price in the form of low-quality products, shortages and black markets were borne by the ordinary customers.

    This mad race for aatmanirbharta again illustrates why we argue for pro-market policies, not pro-business ones. Pandering to the aatmanirbharta slogan is a way for some businesses to get an unfair advantage over others. Pro-market policies, by contrast, are concerned with government actions to increase competition and to plug market failures.

    Therefore, it is no surprise the entrenched firms of today are batting for an atmanirbhar regime. There’s a strange race on to ‘out-atmannirbhar’ the competition. So, a Chinese phone company claims its more local than Indian companies (65 per cent of components sourced locally) and starts putting a ‘made in India’ logo on its phone. Its business head for India takes a swipe at competition saying “non-Chinese foreign rivals including one US company imports all of their phones from China and local Indian brands only relabel and sell in India.” The problem with not standing up to a principle (like free trade) while aligning yourself with the flavour of the season isn’t too hard to comprehend. There will soon be another brand that will claim 100 per cent local sourcing to claim greater ‘Indian-ness’ regardless of what it means to cost and quality for the customers. Or, the opportunism will come back and bite you in the back like this Chinese company found out when the government banned two of its popular apps that were provided as value-added services with their phones.

    You also have the bizarre case where the founder of a payment app company with significant Chinese investment in it claiming – “It’s Google-nirbhar bharat not Atmanirbhar Bharat” – when Google temporarily suspended the app owing to violations of its gambling policy. Not to be left behind a competitor payment app ran an advertising campaign positioning itself as a truly Indian app in contrast to the foreign apps. Like that should make a difference to the customers. And now you have the Indian start-up founders coming together to create a BharatApp store to achieve Google-mukt India.

    It Is What You Make Of It

    Three points to consider here. First, it is good to create an alternative when you aren’t happy with the incumbent. That’s the right way to go about this so long as the competition is on the basis of product features like price and quality and not on the provenance of the product. Second, the complaint about Google Play Store using its dominant position to dictate terms with app makers is as valid as many of these start-ups doing the same with their suppliers or ‘partners’. Lastly, any idea that such an app store should be partly governed by the government or a regulator is terrible and should be nipped in the bud. That’s replacing an almost monopoly by a real monopoly.

    The government has been vague in its definition of atmanirbhar. But everyone has picked up the subtext. Businesses, both PSUs and private firms, are reducing their dependence on China, claiming increase in local sourcing, and declaring intention to manufacture locally to support the initiative. That the Gross Fixed Capital (GFC) formation in India has remained range bound, and companies and promoters are investing more outside of India for much of past 5 years don’t seem to get in way of these claims. Nobody will anyway check for them in future. The import tariffs have been increased on a range of items in every budget over the past 3 years. The charitable view is we are dealing with international trade partners on our terms now. Maybe.

    The message going out is we are turning protectionist as we find growth hard to come.

    Rodrik’s Trilemma

    There are two questions we have here:

    1. What if there were no pandemic and no skirmishes with China at the border. Would we have still jumped onto the atmanirbhar bandwagon?

    Dani Rodrik in his book The Globalisation Paradox (2011) framed the trilemma confronting a country in the global economy:

    “In particular, you begin to understand what I will call the fundamental political trilemma of the world economy: we cannot simultaneously pursue democracy, national determination, and economic globalization (emphasis ours). If we want to push globalization further, we have to give up either the nation state or democratic politics. If we want to maintain and deepen democracy, we have to choose between the nation state and international economic integration. And if we want to keep the nation state and self-determination, we have to choose between deepening democracy and deepening globalization. Our troubles have their roots in our reluctance to face up to these ineluctable choices.”

    In the few years leading up to pandemic, it was clear India was making the choice of nation state and self-determination along with democratic accountability. Following Rodrik’s trilemma, it would follow we would have to let go of deep economic globalisation. The slowdown in growth because of a weak banking system and the double blow of monetisation and GST was beginning to impact lives and livelihoods. The inability to effect second generation structural reforms meant there were no real solutions at hand to solve for these. Therefore, the turn to atmanirbhar would have happened. The pandemic and the border stand-off with China made it easy to turn it into a rallying cry.

    2. Would this protectionist turn by India invite negative repercussions from our trading partners?

    I don’t think so. Globalisation has been on wane since the global financial crisis (GFC). Between 1981-2007, the income elasticity of global trade, measured as the ratio of the average growth rate of imports of goods and services to average global GDP growth, was 1.8. That is, for every 1 per cent of GDP growth in the world, global trade grew by 1.8 per cent. In the last decade this has fallen below 1. There has been populist backlash about the spoils of globalisation accumulating to only a few in most developed nations of the world. The pandemic, its impact on the economies around the world, the concentration risks of global supply chains and the boorish behaviour of China have reinforced the risks of globalisation across continents.

    Rodrik had made his choice clear about the trilemma in his book:

    “So we have to make some choices. Let me be clear about mine: democracy and national determination should trump hyper-globalization. Democracies have the right to protect their social arrangements, and when this right clashes with the requirements of the global economy, it is the latter that should give way. You might think that this principle would be the end of globalization. Not so.

    “…A thin layer of international rules that leaves substantial room for manoeuvre by national governments is a better globalization. It can address globalization’s ills while preserving its substantial economic benefits. We need smart globalization, not maximum globalization.”

    (Un)Smart Globalisation = No Globalisation

    Post pandemic, it is likely this might be the prevailing consensus about globalisation. While India’s quest for being atmanirbhar has other reasons, it will escape censure because others might be sailing in the same boat. That doesn’t take away from a point we have made in the past editions. Smart globalisation sounds like a great idea but there’s no real definition for it. It devolves in to not-so-smart protectionism eventually.

    HomeWork

    Reading and listening recommendations on public policy matters

    * [Podcast] Dani Rodrik on Neoliberalism and limits of globalisation on Econtalk podcast with Russ Roberts.


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    #74 (Internet+Politics) & India's Transition To An Industrial Society 🎧 Oct 04, 2020
    Show notes

    This newsletter is really a weekly public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us.A Framework a Week: Internet + PoliticsTools for thinking public policy— Pranay KotasthaneMany predictions about the internet transforming politics have fallen flat. So, how about a framework that can help us understand the many facets of this interaction? I came across one such framework from 2013 — Six Models for the Internet + Politics by Archon Fung et al. The paper first presents a stylised political model:(Source: Six Models for the Internet + Politics by Archon Fung et al.) The authors describe this model as follows:“The model is a simple conveyor belt image of politics. The belt begins with citizens who have interests and views about politics, policies, and politicians. Citizens form into interest groups and social movement organizations—sometimes called pressure groups—that advocate for specific interests and policies. Once born, these groups reciprocally recruit and mobilize citizens to advocate more powerfully. At the same time, citizens form and express their views in the public sphere in which they discuss public concerns with one another in coffee shops, op-ed pages, water coolers, and town squares (and of course increasingly on the Internet). These traditional organizations and the public sphere are located outside of government. In a democratic society, however, they determine the personnel and content of government. Through the mechanisms of elections, lobbying, and communicative pressure (of which the pressure of public opinion is one kind), they exert pressures that determine which politicians hold office. Between elections, traditional organizations, and public opinion also exert pressures on the public agencies that compose government. Government action is at the end of this conveyor belt. Government acts in one of two ways: by passing laws and policies, and by acting directly in the world through agency actions.”Now by introducing the internet in six different points in this model, the authors develop six pathways in which the internet changes politics.Pathway 1: The Muscular Public Sphere(Six Models for the Internet + Politics by Archon Fung et al.)In this model, the internet strengthens the link between citizens and the public sphere, and between the public sphere and the politicians. Twitter outrage campaigns demanding attention and action from the government are examples of this pathway. Pathway 2: Here Comes Everybody(Six Models for the Internet + Politics by Archon Fung et al.)This pathway is focused on direct action. Here the citizens are able to mobilise public action bypassing pressure groups, politicians, and the state. Internet-mobilised drives to fix street potholes or to clear up garbage spots are examples of this pathway.Pathway 3: Direct Digital Democracy(Six Models for the Internet + Politics by Archon Fung et al.)In this pathway, citizens are able to reach the policymaking elite directly. Expat Indians reaching out to India’s former External Affairs Minister on Twitter for getting their visa/passport issues resolved is an example of this pathway.Pathway 4: Truth-based Advocacy(Six Models for the Internet + Politics by Archon Fung et al.)Quite inaccurately named, in this model, the authors propose that the internet can become a platform “by which organised advocacy groups bring salient, often surprising, facts to light in credible ways that tilt public opinion.” The Panama Papers is an example of this pathway. What gets missed is that this pathway can also be used for malicious purposes by traditional pressure groups to malign individuals and groups, which is the more common use case today. Pathway 5: Constituent Mobilisation(Six Models for the Internet + Politics by Archon Fung et al.)In this pathway, the role of the internet is to:“thicken the connection between political organizations and their members. Lowering the costs of communications allows political organizations to communicate more information to more members at a fixed cost. Conversely, digitalization lowers search costs and allows individuals to find the organizations that advance their interests and perspectives. Finally, digitalization dramatically lowers the transaction costs of some kinds of political action such as donating money to organizations and signing letters and petitions.”This is the pathway that has been used by political parties (some have been more successful than others) to form strong bonds with their constituents, effectively turning even a marginal voter into an unapologetic partisan supporter.Pathway 6: Social Monitoring(Six Models for the Internet + Politics by Archon Fung et al.)In this pathway:“public agencies (and/or civic organizations) deploy digital tools to enlist the eyes and ears of citizens to better spot public problems and so bring those problems to the attention of the government and the broader public.”An example of this pathway is traffic police apps and websites that allow citizens to report traffic violations.So this is a non-exhaustive set of interactions between the internet and politics. I have refrained from making value judgments in this post. An underlying assumption in these six models is that social media improves governance and strengthens democracies. Seven years since this paper was published, we know that this assumption doesn’t always hold true. Nevertheless, this typology is a useful starting point for people trying to decipher the connections between the internet and politics. One can even use this framework to imagine newer pathways for explaining how social media has vitiated our polity. India Policy Watch: Agrarian to Industrial Society: Barrington Moore On India’s Trajectory Insights on burning policy issues in India— RSJLet’s for a moment assume the optimistic case of farm reforms comes true. The market mechanism works, farmers are freed up from the monopoly of the state and agriculture booms. Instead of accounting for 16 per cent of our GDP while supporting about 60 per cent of our population as it does today, in 2050, it will account for 6-7 per cent of our GDP and support about 20 per cent of our population. That would make us a solid middle-income country in 2050.Moore’s Study Of Comparative Histories The question I had was how would this transition from agriculture dominant society to a post-agriculture society happen in the next 30 years? What will be our path and what will it mean for our society?While looking for answers to this question, I stumbled upon a classic: Barrington Moore’s 1966 book ‘Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy (Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World)’. While I didn’t find a clear answer to the question that led me to it, the book itself is a rigorous academic work that details the trajectories six countries took to transition from agrarian societies into modern industrial ones. As Moore writes in the preface of the book:“This book endeavours to explain the varied political roles played by the landed upper classes and the peasantry in the transformation from agrarian societies (defined simply as states where a large majority of the population lives off the land) to modern industrial ones. Somewhat more specifically, it is an attempt to discover the range of historical conditions under which either or both of these rural groups have become important forces behind the emergence of Western parliamentary versions of democracy. and dictatorships. of the right and the left, that is, fascist and communist regimes.”Part 1 of the book titled ‘Revolutionary Origin of Capitalist Democracy’ compares the histories England, France and America from the late 17th century till their emergence as capitalist democracies in the early 20th century. In Part 2, titled ‘Three Routes to the Modern World in Asia’, Moore traces the rise of communism in China, fascism in Japan and the peaceful adoption of democracy in India as they attempted to make this transition. Part 3 titled ‘Theoretical Implications and Projections’ detail Moore’s conclusions on the three trajectories to make the transition from agrarian to industrial society.It is a fascinating book that uses a neo-marxist lens to understand the society through social classes and the coalitions among them. The chapter on India is interesting with Moore wondering why Indian peasants didn’t revolt like those of China while providing a strong thesis in answer to the question. Moore believes Gandhi’s ideas of swadeshi, trusteeship and his suspicion of both the state and the markets created a society where abject misery of the peasants co-existed with their co-option into the state. It has this line from Gandhi that came as a surprise to me:“Pressed further with the question why did he (Gandhi) not therefore advocate state ownership in the place of private property, he answered that, although it was better than private ownership, it was objectionable on the grounds of violence. "It is my firm conviction," he added, "that if the state suppressed capitalism by violence it will be caught in the evils of violence itself and fail to develop nonviolence at anytime."There’s a very insightful passage about the continuing stagnation and halting progress of agriculture 20 years after independence:“The proximate cause seems quite clearly to be the relative failure of a market economy to penetrate very far into the countryside and put the peasants into a new situation to which they seem quite capable of responding with a sharp rise in output. The structure of village society is only a secondary obstacle one that changes in response to external circumstances. …Behind the weak push of the market lies the failure to channel into industrial construction the resources that agriculture does generate. One further step, taken with a glance at other countries, shows that the course of historical development in India was such that no class grew up with any very strong interest in rechanneling the agricultural surplus in such a way as to get the process of industrial growth started.” Anyway, my view is India confounds Moore too. In his analysis, India stands as an outlier that follows none of the three trajectories he derives for transition to a modern industrial state – the capitalist-democratic route (England, France and US), the capitalist-reactionary route (Germany and Japan) and the communist route (China and Russia). There is a good description of these three routes here.India’s Route: Moore’s HypothesisMoore ends the chapter on India wondering what route it would take for its transition from an agrarian state to an industrial one. The three routes he had devised didn’t seem to fit India, so, Moore suggests an alternative that has a strong element of coercion. I was amazed by Moore’s understanding of the history of Indian farming under colonial rule, his foresight about how it was to pan out and the analytical rigour he uses to conclude about the only option available to India. I have reproduced the last few passages from that chapter. Remember he published this in 1966. Even the Green Revolution hadn’t taken off. He writes:“If the prevailing policy in its essential outlines continues, as far as can be foreseen it would result in a very slow rate of improvement, mainly through the action of the upper stratum of the peasantry continuing to go over to peasant forms of commercial farming. The danger has already been pointed out: the steady swelling of an urban and rural proletariat on an ever larger scale. This policy could in time perhaps generate its own antithesis, though the difficulties of a radical takeover in India are enormous. Much more desirable from a democratic standpoint would be for the government to harness and use these same tendencies for its own purposes. That would mean discarding the Gandhian doctrines, allowing the upper strata in the countryside free rein, but taxing their profits and organizing the market and credit mechanism in such a way as to drive out the moneylender. If the government in this way succeeded in tapping the present surplus generated in agriculture and encouraging the growth of a much bigger one, it could do a great deal more about industry on its own resources. As industry grew, it would sop up much of the surplus labour released in the countryside and spread the market ever more rapidly in a continually accelerating process. The efforts to bring technology and modern resources to the peasant's doorstep would then bear fruit.The third possibility would be to go over to much wider use of compulsion, more or less approaching the communist model. Even if it could be tried in India, it seems highly unlikely that it would work. Under Indian conditions for a long time to come, no political leadership - no matter how intelligent, dedicated, and ruthless ­ could, it seems to me, put through a revolutionary agrarian policy. The country is too diverse and too amorphous still, though that will gradually change. The administrative and political problem of forcing through a collectivization program against the barriers of caste and tradition in fourteen languages seems too formidable to require further discussion. Only one line of policy then seems to offer real hope, which, to repeat, implies no prediction that it will be the one adopted. In any case, a strong element of coercion remains necessary if a change is to be made. …Either masked coercion on a massive scale, as in the capitalist model including even Japan, or more direct coercion approaching the socialist model will remain necessary. The tragic fact of the matter is that the poor bear the heaviest costs of modernization under both socialist and capitalist auspices. The only justification for imposing the costs is that they would become steadily worse off without it. As the situation stands, the dilemma is indeed a cruel one. It is possible to have the greatest sympathy for those responsible for facing it. To deny that it exists is, on the other hand, the acme of both intellectual and political irresponsibility.”Moore in 1966 had concluded that the only option that might work for India is the ‘masked coercion on a massive scale as in the capitalist model’ or the direct coercion of the socialist model. One way to look at the farm bills passed last week is to ask – is this the state biting the bullet and choosing masked coercion that Moore wrote about? I don’t know about this. If anyone has a view on the trajectory this transition will take for India, let us know. Meanwhile, I will recommend Moore’s remarkable book. It is a great work of comparative history and I enjoyed reading it. Matsyanyaaya: Prediction Markets as a Tool for Intelligence AnalysisBig fish eating small fish = Foreign Policy in action— Pranay Kotasthane(This post first appeared on the Takshashila Blog in Feb 2019)The raison d’être for intelligence analysis is being able to predict near-future events with reasonable accuracy. Based on the little that I have read, there is no mechanism that seeks to improve Indian intelligence analysts’ accuracy over time. This leads to what Philip Tetlock calls ‘outcome-irrelevant learning’. This is a situation wherein no matter what happens in reality, people are in an excellent position to explain that what happened was consistent with their own view.Outcome-irrelevant learning is quite easy to find in mainstream foreign policy analysis. Many analysts would, for example, argue that talks…

    Full show notes at the publisher

    #73 Thinking About Retrospective Taxation - Will India Appeal? 🎧 Sep 30, 2020
    Show notes

    This newsletter is really a public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?

    Welcome to the mid-week edition in which we write essays on a public policy theme. The usual public policy review comes out on weekends.

    PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us. Listen in podcast app

    - RSJ

    The Permanent Court of Arbitration at The Hague last week ruled against India’s retrospective tax demand of Rs. 22,100 crores on the Vodafone Group. India has the option to appeal the decision at the appellate court in Singapore. Vodafone International Holdings, a Dutch entity, that had bought the Indian business operations of Hutchison Telecom International had invoked Clause 9 of the Bilateral Investment Treaty (BIT) signed between India and Netherlands in 1995 to contest the retrospective amendment of taxation law by India.

    A quick background of the case will help set the context here. In 2007, Vodafone Plc bought a 67 per cent stake in Hutchison Whampao that included the rising star of the group – its India business assets. The tax department raised a demand for about Rs. 8000 crores that year in capital gains and withholding tax from Vodafone. Their argument was simple – the underlying place of business was India and the value that was being paid for by Vodafone was created in India. It should therefore withhold the taxable amount from what it pays to Hutchison. It didn’t matter if the transaction was done by two overseas entities and executed in the tax haven of Cayman Islands.

    Vodafone contested this in the Bombay High Court which ruled in favour of the Tax Department. It then challenged this judgment in the Supreme Court which ruled in its favour in 2012. The UPA-2 government and the FM then didn’t take this lying down. Later that year the government passed an amendment to the 1961 Income Tax act that allowed tax authorities to retrospectively tax such transactions. In 2014, Vodafone went to the Parliament Court of Arbitration against this legislative change. Last week it won at The Hague.

    Move On, India?

    The reactions to the verdict from The Hague last week have been on expected lines. Most have suggested the Indian government to take the verdict in its stride and get on with life. Andy Mukherjee writing for the Business Standard echoed the prevailing views across media outlets:

    “This ends a decade-old saga that tarnished India’s reputation among foreign investors. Rather than appealing the decision, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s administration should accept defeat, honor the award, and move on. While much of the blame for this mess belongs to the previous Congress Party-led coalition, Team Modi had six years to end the dispute. Ending “tax terror” was also his party’s promise in the 2014 election that brought Modi to power.

    If anything, reckless expansion of the state’s power — both in the economy and broader society — has become the norm since then. One hopes that this becomes a moment when Indian politicians of all hues will come together to say – Yes, we bungled. We should never have amended the tax law retrospectively to go after Vodafone. It cost us more in prestige than we could hope to win.”

    We have three questions we will discuss in this edition:

    * Is retrospective taxation always a bad idea?

    * What’s a fair way to do retrospective taxation (if there’s one)?

    * What will India do now (as opposed to what should India do which seems to be the focus of most op-eds)?

    The Problem With Retrospective Taxation

    You might argue taxation itself is a form of violence of the state on its subjects. Legitimate, yes. But violence, nonetheless. Doing it retrospectively makes it worse because you weren’t even aware you were doing something that will invite this violence.

    Adam Smith set out four canons of taxation in The Wealth of Nations:

    * The subjects of every state ought to contribute towards the support of the government, as nearly as possible, in proportion to their respective abilities (Canon of Equity).

    * The tax which the individual is bound to pay ought to be certain and not arbitrary (Canon of Certainty).

    * Every tax ought to be levied at the time, or in the manner, in which it is most likely to be convenient for the contributor to pay it (Canon of Convenience).

    * Every tax ought to be so contrived as to take out of the pockets as little as possible, over and above that which it brings into the public treasury of the state (Canon of Economy).

    The Canon of Certainty further states:

    “The time of payment, the manner of payment, the quantity to be paid, ought all to be clear and plain to the contributor and to every other person.”

    Retrospective taxation goes against this principle of fairness. It taxes a transaction that’s happened prior to law being framed. In the bigger picture, it is a human right violation since the state cannot remove a right without a transitional period.

    However, there is a reason almost every developed country in the world has retrospectively taxed transactions. This is to avoid what is often termed ‘forestalling’ – the practice of taxpayers acting to avoid the impact of a change in tax laws before it can take effect. Now, it is possible to nip this practice by making the tax changes applicable almost immediately upon their announcement. But this isn’t practical all the time. There are laws that need Parliamentary approval or change in systems and processes that could take time. Therefore, in most cases there is always a lag between a tax change announcement and its effective date of implementation. This is what gives rise to forestalling. And that’s the reason lawmakers opt for retrospective tax laws.

    In the Vodafone case, the Indian state has a valid moral argument like mentioned before. The underlying asset is the Indian operations which has been valued at a much higher consideration than its book value. The deal between Vodafone and Hutchison was designed in a manner to avoid this tax incident. This was unfair to the ordinary taxpayers in India who pay taxes for such transactions. The state plugged the loophole through a change in the law, but it also wanted to win the moral argument. So, it decided to apply the change in law retrospectively to 1961. Vodafone’s argument was it broke no extant tax laws when it structured the deal. So it should be protected under the canon of certainty.

    A Fair Way To Tax Retrospectively

    If one were to accept for a moment that retrospective taxation can’t be avoided in certain cases, what’s a fair way to do it then? In the UK this question was raised in 1978 when the then Chancellor Healey announced two measures in his budget speech to curb tax avoidance through artificial schemes:

    “[Tax avoidance] has emerged recently in a new form which involves marketing a succession of highly artificial schemes – when one is detected, the next is immediately sold – and is accompanied by a level of secrecy which amounts almost to conspiracy to mislead. The time has come not only to stop the particular schemes we know about but also to ensure that no schemes of a similar nature can be marketed in future.

    So the provisions I shall be introducing this year to deal with artificial avoidance by certain partnerships dealing in commodity futures will go back to 6 April 1976, that is, before the date when the intention to legislate was announced in a parliamentary answer.”

    The debates that followed this retrospective legislation in the Standing Committee led to the framing of what’s called the ‘Rees Rules’ named after MP Peter Rees. He put down four conditions that must be satisfied for any retrospective tax legislation to be considered fair. These include:

    * “A warning in the House of Commons by some recognised method – either by an answer to a Parliamentary Question or by some statement with plans to legislate in the subsequent Finance Bill back to the date of that warning. The warning must be precise in form. A mere suggestion that there are vague schemes of tax avoidance that must be counted should not suffice.”

    * Secondly, the problem at which the warning has been directed should immediately be referred to a committee to devise the precise legislative measures which should then be introduced in the parliament.

    * Thirdly, if the committee can hit on appropriate legislative provision, the draft clause ... should immediately be published in advance of the Finance Bill so that those who are likely to be in the field of fire will have a second clear intimation of what to expect.

    * Fourthly, such a clause must, without fail, be introduced in the following Finance Bill to formalise it into law

    In the Vodafone case, it is clear there wasn’t a semblance of Rees Rules that was followed. This is what made it perverse. That the law had a loophole that allowed Vodafone and Hutchison to avoid taxes wasn’t their fault. They can’t be blamed for it. Had they known of the tax, the contours of the deal or the deal itself could come into question?

    What Will India Do Now?

    Most of the arguments made (including that of Andy Mukherjee) suggest India shouldn’t appeal against the ruling for 2 reasons:

    * It will send a signal to the investor community around the world that India has accepted it erred in this case. It will improve investor sentiment around India

    * The current government will set a good precedent for future regimes to not lapse into arbitrary use of its coercive power

    In our view, this isn’t likely how India will act. First, how much of investors’ view of India is hinging on this case really? The original retrospective law was passed in 2012 and much water has flown under the bridge. Newer investors have come across sectors in India (including over Rs. 150,000 crores invested in Jio platforms, another telecom player) even as Indian tax authorities have made newer demands on Vodafone for AGR dues in excess of Rs. 55,000 crores. The government believes a large, accessible market with a rule of law that’s better than most developing nations are good (enough) propositions to attract foreign capital. It isn’t going to lose sleep over investor sentiments.

    Second, accepting this verdict will embolden a lot of other companies to appeal against the Indian state. Further, it is possible not appealing against the verdict may be used by the opposition to target the government for not standing up for India’s interests. This will be unacceptable to a government earning its equity on the back of robust nationalism.

    Third, it is the right of the sovereign to amend its laws to protect its interests and not have the burden of taxes fall on its citizens who can’t use the resources like Vodafone to avoid taxes. The scope and intent of the BIT signed between India and the Netherlands doesn’t cover specific instances of tax avoidance. Its broad provisions drafted to signal intent of co-operation between the two countries can’t be used to override the sovereign will of the Indian people expressed through an act passed in its parliament.

    This Isn’t The End

    It will surprise us if the government decides to back off and accept the verdict. It has nothing to lose going to the appellate court. In fact, there’s a potential upside of Rs. 22,000 crores and further burnishing of its nationalist credentials if it appeals and wins. Its best option is to go the distance in this fight.

    HomeWork

    Reading and listening recommendations on public policy matters

    * [Article] A 2013 article by T.K. Arun in The Economic Times that stayed with me for its arguments against the Supreme Court verdict then.

    * [Note] A note titled Retrospective Taxation - Indian Experience by Harish Salve who represented Vodafone Plc in the Supreme Court. The Vodafone case appears at page 14.


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    #72 Should Courts Make Social Policies?🎧 Sep 27, 2020
    Show notes

    This newsletter is really a weekly public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us.India Policy Watch: Rajan-Acharya on PSB ReformsInsights on burning policy issues in India— RSJRaghuram Rajan and Viral Acharya have a new paper titled, Indian Banks: A Time To Reform?, that looks at a comprehensive set of reforms that will enable public sector banks to drive the Indian economic growth engine instead of being a drag they currently are. Rajan and Acharya have held leadership roles at the RBI and know a thing or two about issues relating to the banking sector. Here’s a nice summary of the recommendations by the BloombergQuint.So, what to make of them? There are 4 points we’d like to raise:* Is this the time? Rajan and Acharya argue maintaining status quo is untenable. The huge strain on government finances now shifts the Overton window for much-needed reforms of the public sector banking system. This is their hope. In my view, shifting the status quo at this time carries the risk of falling off the brink. There’s a fog of uncertainty about the duration of the pandemic, the state of our public finances and the nature and length of recovery. More than any immediate reform we need some stability, however precarious, at this moment.* What about the empire? The paper reiterates the need for a systemic solution to the bad loan problem. The idea for a nationalised and a private “bad bank” is revived along with a strict time-bound process for bankruptcy procedure. The recent books by Urjit Patel (who succeeded Rajan) and Acharya have outlined in great detail how there’s no incentive for anyone in the political economy or in the banking sector to implement the IBC process. Everyone is happy kicking the can down the road. Any attempt at enforcing strict insolvency guidelines is met with resistance. Patel named the relevant chapter in his book ‘The Empire Strikes Back’. And this resistance to change was the state of affairs before the pandemic. So, to expect a serious reckoning by the government now is out of question. In fact, we seem to be going the other direction. The suspension of IBC is to be extended by another quarter and the restructuring proposal by Kamath committee leaves the discretion with the bank on triggering default procedure. We will have to learn to live with elevated levels of NPAs and banking system stress especially in public sector banks (PSBs).* Who will implement them? There are proposals to improve the performance of PSBs through greater operational freedom, performance-linked bank financing plans and winding down the Department of Financial Services (hah!). While these are good intentions, operationalising them in a system that has bloated cost structure, unionisation and relatively lax performance management culture won’t be easy. There are suggestions that are akin to the Kamath committee on giving loans based on cash flow and liquidity position of the companies instead of their assets. More aggressive norms for provisioning for bad loans and making sure the promoters have skin in the game in long-term infrastructure projects are also suggested. There are other suggestions to manage banking system risks better that have been around for some time. But implementing them will mean standing up to the ‘empire’. * Is stake sale the panacea? Finally, we have the issue of the ownership structure of banks. The paper proposes bringing the stake of the government below 50 per cent (state-linked banks) and gradual privatisation of select PSBs. While this step to create a distance between it and the everyday operations of the bank is necessary, this alone won’t address the governance issues of the PSBs. There’s an entire superstructure (the ‘empire’) that manages and lives off the PSBs that includes unions, bureaucrats, various oversight committees and temporal political interests. This influences everything from recruitment, performance management, promotions, disbursement guidelines to risk management practices. This won’t change overnight merely because the government stake is below 50 per cent.The paper brings together all the extant issues relating to banking reforms in India. In that sense it is a valuable compendium of ideas – most old, some new. The key question remains: what’s the political will to take up these reforms now? The authors are aware of this too:“While we have put together a variety of suggestions, many of these have been discussed in the past. Many concern public sector banks and their governance. Is there any reason to be more confident they will be implemented now?”And they bring up the issue of incentive. What’s in it either for the bureaucracy or the government (either this or any in future) to take up these urgent reforms? As they write in conclusion:“The government obtains enormous power from directing bank lending. Sometimes this power is exercised to advance public goals such as financial inclusion or infrastructure finance, sometimes it is used to offer patronage to, or exercise control over, industrialists. The government also has potential access to an enormous amount of sensitive information through its state ownership – for instance, the identity of purchasers of electoral bonds is known only to the State Bank of India. The government can oblige party members by appointing favorites to positions in public sector banks, including on their boards – and once there, some of these appointees use their influence to direct bank loans to favored parties. Parliamentarians of all parties are not immune to the lure of public sector banks – the banks are often asked to arrange the logistics for their fact-finding committee meetings in enjoyable locales across the country. And Finance Ministry bureaucrats are reluctant to let go of the power that allows a young joint secretary to order the chairpersons of national banks around.”Just reading that passage is kind of depressing. Besides the above, the ordinary citizen isn’t exercised by the deteriorating condition of public sector banking in India. It will never be an issue in any election. Rajan and Acharya believe the pandemic and the enormous resource constraints it will place on the government will make it difficult to recapitalise the banks. This in turn will curb credit flow and impede growth in the economy. “With government deficits and debt levels reaching enormous levels, there simply are not enough budgetary resources to recapitalize banks. An encumbered, under-capitalized public sector banking system will not lend well, which will be a huge tax on growth, as it has been for the last six years. More worrisome, without reform the banks will cumulate further losses. Status quo is simply not an option.”“It is important that the government use the urgency of the moment to draw key players together to develop a reasonable reform path; it should be comprehensive and not just a one-off “tick-the-box” exercise dealing with a thin sliver of issues. It should then reach a consensus with concerned players such as unions and political parties, and then embark on the reforms.”We aren’t as sanguine as they are. The political capital that will need to be spent (or invested) in implementing the reforms they have suggested in this paper is enormous. While this government and the PM enjoy unprecedented goodwill and support, this is a bet that might just be too big even for it. The PM has shown an appetite for ‘bold’ steps. But they tend to be one-off events. A deeper and deliberate structural reform of this kind that will take years to implement will be a genuine bold measure. One can only hope he take that step. A Framework a Week: Nine Competing Visions of EqualityTools for thinking public policy— Pranay KotasthaneAssume the Indian government plans to distribute ₹50,000 crores to 50 crore Indians this year, how would it go about doing this equitably? The intuitively obvious solution is to divide the sum equally — ₹1000 to everyone. Simple, isn’t it? Think again. Isn’t it unfair to the nearly 80 crore people left out of this distribution in the first place? Even amongst the chosen 50 crore Indians, isn’t equal division unfair to some who need this money more than others? Isn’t it unfair to the socially disadvantaged groups who might not even have access to prove their identity?This is what Deborah Stone calls the paradox of distribution in her textbook Policy Paradox:“equality often means inequality, and equal treatment often means unequal treatment. The same distribution may look equal or unequal, depending on where you focus.”This is a key insight. Stone lays out a useful framework for thinking about what equality means. She lists nine ways in which one can use equity language to distribute, often in ways that you would consider to be unequal. Each of these ways equalises along one dimension and can be considered as being ‘unequal’ on another. These nine ways are split along three dimensions — who gets something, what gets distributed, and how is the distribution done. (Deborah Stone, Policy Paradox, Page 47)Way 1 deals with membership. It’s easy to say that things should be divided equally amongst all but who constitutes this all is a tricky question. Citizenship, for example, is a membership criterion that is exclusive by nature. Way 2 deals with merit. It argues that the more deserving should be rewarded for their accomplishment. Hence, any distribution problem should also be resolved by identifying achievement or aptitude.Way 3 is a claim that resources should be allocated based on ranked subgroups. For example, employees in all organisations are paid according to rank. Equally ranked get equal pay, unequally ranked get unequal payouts.Way 4 is a claim for group-based distribution. Caste-based reservation is an example of this kind of equality.Way 5 expands the boundaries of the item. If the government were to distribute the Rs 50000 crore only to those Indians who haven’treceived their rations from the public distribution system in the last one month, the boundary of the item being distributed changes from only cash to a basket comprising of cash and food.Way 6 is a claim on distribution according to the value that the recipients ascribe to that item.Ways 7, 8, and 9 are about equalising the process. Way 7 talks about distribution based on fair competition between all players. Way 8 talks about distributing based on a lottery so that chances are equalised. Way 9 calls for a vote to decide who gets what.This categorisation into nine definitions of equality is useful for a policy analyst. There’s no right answer on which of these is the best method, of course. What can be said is that Way 1 (equal slices amongst all members) and Way 8 (lottery) are intuitively powerful and are used by policymakers when they can't find better reasons to justify their decisions.So the lesson for a policy analyst is that faced with a distributive problem, look at these definitions of equality and pick one that seems the fairest. It’s easy to say that inequality is a problem. It’s far more difficult to answer what being equal means.World Policy Watch: Tool To Change Social NormsInsights on burning policy issues in India—RSJShould courts be framing social policies? This question is the subtext of a number of articles that have appeared since the death of US Supreme Court (SC) associate justice, Ruth Bader Ginsberg (RBG) last week. The Trump administration is moving with speed to get a conservative judge confirmed by the Senate before the elections in November. The Republicans control the senate and nominating a judge of their ideological persuasion now will decisively swing the 9-member SC bench to a 6-3 ‘conservative’ majority. Why has nominating a judge to the highest court turned into such a contentious political issue? Not so long back judges would get nominated with overwhelming majority from the Senate. RBG won her confirmation with a 96-3 majority. Justice Antonin Scalia who was on the other end of the ideological divide won his nomination 98-0. The days of such bipartisanship are over. Why? All About IncentivesLike everything in life, it is about incentives. First, the lifelong tenure of a judge means they have the ability to influence decisions for a long period of time. As the ideological divide has gotten sharper, both Democrats and Republicans are keen on nominating more ‘extreme’ judges. Second, there’s an incentive to nominate relatively younger judges who will sit at the SC for a long time and influence decisions. This has meant nominating less experienced jurists who are ideologically ‘pure’. This riles up the other side. Lastly, an increase in the number of judgments that are decided by the slenderest of margins (5-4) works as a feedback loop to the parties. It feeds into their anxieties of what’s at stake and they have greater motivation to nominate more extreme candidates.At the heart of these debates is a deeper question about the larger role the SC has taken over the years in legislating social issues in the US. The two most famous examples, of course, are Roe vs Wade and Brown vs Board of Education. Courts have turned into lawmakers is how it appears. Seen from here in India, US is a litigious country. As far back as 1835, Tocqueville had noted ‘sooner or later, every major dispute in the US ends up in courtroom.’ So, it is no surprise when women, minorities and other under-represented sections started contesting the social norms handed down to them, the matters reached courts for resolution. The Conservative AnxietyThe conservative preference is for any social change to be gradual. Societal change is shaped through the many eddies of debates and protests that resist the flow of the mainstream. As they gain wider acceptance, they begin changing the course of flow of social norms. This could be painstakingly slow, but it makes change acceptable and sustainable. For the conservatives, the role of the judges is to apply laws, not to create them. Going beyond this brief becomes judicial activism. So, the original conservative view was all issues of public or social policy should be discussed and debated by the legislative and executive branches of the state that represents the society. Courts resolve disputes following the written down law while sending back any ambiguities to the legislative arm for approval. There is a lot of merit in this argument. It is difficult to imagine how a single complainant with a specific grievance in a combative judicial process be the basis for drafting a norm for the society. Isn’t there a risk of the courts overlooking the true costs and benefits to the society while judging a single case? Would the second order impact of their decision be visible to them? Should we allow the judges to bring in their personal values into issues of constitutional merits? And let’s not pretend judges are above this. ‘Judicial activism’ is unavoidable if we let courts decide on such issues. In fact, the current debate in the US about nominations is an implicit acceptance that judges insert their personal code into judgments. When you consider the adversarial nature of many historic social judgments (both in the US and India) and the costs such a process extracts in polarising the society further, it becomes clear litigation is a blunt instrument to carve out social change. Courts shouldn’t pre-empt social and political debates. The Liberal ActivismThe liberal position, as it has evolved over time, is marked…

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    #71 Liberalism And Central Banking Sep 23, 2020
    Show notes

    This newsletter is really a public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?

    Welcome to the mid-week edition in which we write essays on a public policy theme. The usual public policy review comes out on weekends.

    PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us. Listen in podcast app

    - RSJ

    The Chairman of US Federal Reserve, Jerome Powell, in his speech at the annual Jackson Hole symposium signalled a significant shift in its approach to tackling inflation. He had his reasons:

    “The persistent undershoot of inflation from our 2 percent longer-run objective is a cause for concern. Many find it counterintuitive that the Fed would want to push up inflation. After all, low and stable inflation is essential for a well-functioning economy….

    However, inflation that is persistently too low can pose serious risks to the economy. Inflation that runs below its desired level can lead to an unwelcome fall in longer-term inflation expectations, which, in turn, can pull actual inflation even lower, resulting in an adverse cycle of ever-lower inflation and inflation expectations.”

    Fed’s Average Inflation Targeting Regime

    This isn’t a surprise. An ‘ever-lower’ inflation expectation would lead to a lower interest rate. The perennial undershooting of inflation target in the US over the last quarter century has meant short-term interest rates approaching zero. Once you reach that there’s limited room for any rate cuts to boost investments, increase employment and stabilise the economy during a downturn. The experience of Japan and many EU countries that have negative interest rates is instructive here. Clearly, there is no appetite for negative rates among US lawmakers and public.

    This led Powell and its policymaking body FOMC (Federal Open Market Committee) to draft the revised statement on Longer-Run Goals and Monetary Policy Strategy. The Fed will now follow the policy of ‘average inflation targeting’ with the goal set at 2 per cent. In an average targeting regime the Fed will allow inflation to run above 2 per cent for some time in order to ‘make up’ a period of inflation below 2 per cent. Powell explained:

    “We have also made important changes with regard to the price-stability side of our mandate. Our longer-run goal continues to be an inflation rate of 2 percent. Our statement emphasizes that our actions to achieve both sides of our dual mandate will be most effective if longer-term inflation expectations remain well anchored at 2 percent.”

    “…our new statement indicates that we will seek to achieve inflation that averages 2 percent over time. Therefore, following periods when inflation has been running below 2 percent, appropriate monetary policy will likely aim to achieve inflation moderately above 2 percent for some time.”

    Powers And Goals Of Central Banks

    I was struck by a couple of different thoughts when I read his speech.

    First is a political philosophy question. What is the basis for the absolute power that a central bank like the Federal Reserve has to set goals for the economy in a democracy? What are the checks and balances to this power? For instance, apart from the FOMC who else was involved in questioning or validating the change in regime? Or was it just an arbitrary consensus of some experts (elites?) who aren’t answerable to anyone?

    Second, is a technical question. Isn’t the way the central banks set the inflation rate targets good old central planning at work? Instead of letting markets determine the price based on supply, demand, and labour (or factor) productivity, the central bank interferes to keep prices ‘stable’. Isn’t this a distortion of market mechanism? There are more specific questions. Where did it get the 2 per cent target from? Also, consider the scenario when actual inflation is different from 2 per cent. What’s the duration for which the Fed will wait till it acts? And how quickly will it want the average to be restored? At a theoretical level, what’s the basis for the Fed arriving at an average inflation targeting goal? What should be the goal of a central bank?

    Is Central Banking A Liberal Concept?

    These are compelling arguments and I thought it would be useful to use them to discuss two quite different concepts in a single edition of this newsletter. These are:

    * The notion of separation of powers (or checks and balances) in a state that’s necessary to protect liberty of its citizens

    * What goals should central banks pursue in a free market economy?

    The separation or control of powers between various arms of the state first appeared in the works of the pioneers of political philosophy in England – Locke and Bolingbroke. However, the most compelling and specific argument for the division of powers was laid out by the French lawyer, Baron de Montesquieu, in Chapter 6 of his book De l’Esprit des Loix (The Spirit of the Laws, 1748) which is widely regarded as one of the greatest texts on political philosophy. He begins this chapter with:

    “In every government there are three sorts of power, the legislative; the executive in respect to things dependent on the law of nations; and the executive in regard to matters that depend on the civil law.”

    Montesquieu has no illusions about human nature when it wields power. His view is that the only counter to power is power. This is a prerequisite for individual liberty. For him, liberty means the freedom from being harmed by others.

    "Constant experience shows us that every man invested with power is apt to abuse it.

    …it is necessary from the very nature of things that power should be a check to power"

    This danger of abuse of power can only be controlled through a separation of power between different institutions and people, and a system of checks and balances. That’s the only guarantee against tyranny. This was his profound insight. As he wrote:

    “When the legislative and executive powers are united in the same person, or in the same body of magistrates, there can be no liberty. . . . There would be an end to everything, were the same man, or the same body, whether of the nobles or of the people, to exercise those three powers, that of enacting laws, that of executing the public resolutions, and of trying the causes of individuals.”

    This wasn’t enough. Montesquieu went a step further. Apart from separating powers in hands of different bodies and people and setting them up ‘against’ one another, he also suggested each of these arms of the state should have some powers in their mandate to control other arms. That is, they have both negative and positive checks over others.

    Checks And Balances

    Montesquieu hadn’t contended with autonomous or regulatory institutions like central banks during his time. The notion of a central bank as a lender of last resort while being responsible for price stability and employment is only about 100-150 years old. What are the checks and balances on it?

    There are two questions here? Who checks the actions of the central bank? And is there a feedback loop to its actions? The second question is easier to answer. The outcome of its actions is controlled by the market and the economy. This is what Powell meant when he mentioned the Fed has been ‘undershooting the inflation target’. The Fed aimed its actions to achieve an inflation target. The broader economy curbed its power in achieving it.

    But what about the checks on its actions? Well, there are checks and balances internal to the central bank like a Board of Governors or FOMC (or its equivalent). However, these are nominated members with limited powers and there’s no external agency that has a positive check in controlling the actions of the central bank. Once the executive nominates the policy committee and the chairman (or governor) of the central bank, it hands over the keys of monetary policy to them. There’s merit to illiberal argument when it comes to actions of the central banks.

    Target Of Central Banks

    We come to the question of what goals should the central bank be targeting? Over the years the central banks around the world have taken on responsibility for price stability, economic growth, and employment. But there is no shortage of people demanding more – from income equality to paying off college debts of students and ‘green new deal’. As the central banks around the world went for significant balance sheet expansion after the global financial crisis (GFC) with no corresponding rise in inflation, there has been greater clamour for monetary policy (therefore, central banks) to serve fiscal goals. This keenness to hand over more responsibility is a tad difficult to swallow when you consider the ‘illiberal’ argument.

    So, how should we think of goals of a central bank? Let’s first take its role in price stability or inflation management. This is widely considered to be its primary goal. But we come back to the ‘central planning’ argument. How much sense does it make to control price when you want to manage the economy? George Selgin, currently at Cato Institute, in his book Less Than Zero: The Case for Falling Price in a Growing Economy(1998) framed this issue well:

    “Using monetary policy to stabilise the price level is not at all like making the weather more predictable, as James Buchanan and Kevin Dowd have claimed. Stabilising the price level is more like making barometric readings predictable, while leaving the weather itself as uncertain as ever: price level movements allowed under a productivity norm are merely nominal indicators of underlying changes in productivity.”

    Selgin instead bats for a ‘productivity norm’ which will achieve the same result as that of ‘zero inflation’ regime without interfering with the price mechanism. He writes:

    “Instead, the price level should be allowed to vary to reflect changes in goods' unit costs of production. I call a pattern of general price level adjustments corresponding to such a rule for individual price changes a 'productivity norm'. Under a productivity norm, changes in velocity would be prevented (as under zero inflation) from influencing the price level through offsetting adjustments in the supply of money. But adverse 'supply shocks' like wars and harvest failures would be allowed to manifest themselves in higher output prices, while permanent improvements in productivity would be allowed to lower prices permanently.”

    For Selgin rising prices during adverse supply shocks (like we are going through in a pandemic) would be better than zero inflation.

    If it isn’t a target inflation rate, what should be the goal of central bank? This is a question that’s relevant for India as the term of the first monetary policy committee (MPC) ends. Should we follow the average inflation targeting regime like the Fed or should we continue with the flexible inflation target (FIT) regime (4 per cent with +/- 2 per cent range)? Or should we accept managing price isn’t feasible and look for other options?

    V. Ananta Nageswaran writing in the Mint makes two key points the goals central banks should set for themselves.

    First, central banks through monetary policy have failed to raise inflation rates in developed economies by influencing short-term interest rates (a point Graeme Wheeler, the governor of Reserve Bank of NZ had argued for). Second, they don’t have the tools to influence nominal GDP growth. So, they should aim to control credit growth and through it the ‘overheating’ of the economy:

    “Further, central banks’ failure to raise the inflation rate in the last ten to twelve years (US, UK and Europe) and in the last three decades (Japan) are powerful proofs against Wheeler’s claim with respect to the inflation rate. At the same time, they are powerless to influence economic growth too. So, the mitigation for the ill-effects and consequences of any inflation-targeting central bank is not to add economic growth as an objective but to hold them responsible for what they can actually control. That does not include inflation or economic growth. That is only credit growth—of both bank and non-bank varieties. They can control that through monetary and regulatory policies.”

    I would tend to agree. Credit growth management isn’t distorting the signal that is price. It is also something that’s in control of the central bank through credit policy. As Nageswaran writes:

    “The RBI should define overheating more broadly than only through inflation. Apart from the inflation rate, overheating manifests itself in trade deficit and in asset (financial and non-financial) price bubbles. Hence, managing credit growth through monetary policy and regulatory measures could not only rein in inflation but also other imbalances, of both real and financial variety. Thus, an ‘overheating’ mandate will also ensure financial stability.”

    To conclude, the nature of the central bank as an institution gives it autonomy and powers that aren’t ‘liberal’. However, a better choice of goals for it than inflation rate targets and the feedback loop from the economy about its actions will nudge it towards a more ’liberal’ space.

    HomeWork

    Reading and listening recommendations on public policy matters

    * [Podcast] George Selgin on Average Inflation Targeting in Macro Musings with David Beckworth.

    * [Podcast] Melvyn Bragg and his guests discuss Montesquieu in the legendary BBC programme In Our Time.


    This is a public episode. If you would like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit publicpolicy.substack.com

    #70 Concentrated Costs, Diffused Benefits 🎧 Sep 20, 2020
    Show notes

    This newsletter is really a weekly public policy thought-letter. While excellent newsletters on specific themes within public policy already exist, this thought-letter is about frameworks, mental models, and key ideas that will hopefully help you think about any public policy problem in imaginative ways. It seeks to answer just one question: how do I think about a particular public policy problem/solution?PS: If you enjoy listening instead of reading, we have this edition available as an audio narration courtesy the good folks at Ad-Auris. If you have any feedback, please send it to us.India Policy Watch #1: 50 Years Of That Friedman NYT ArticleInsights on burning policy issues in India— RSJOn September 13, 1970, Milton Friedman wrote his famous piece on the social responsibility of business in The New York Times. The clarity of Friedman’s thinking and his powerful articulation of the doctrine of shareholder value maximisation has made it, arguably, the most influential business article of all time. Friedman scoffs at businesses talking of ‘social responsibility’ suggesting any attempt to do so will turn political that will force the individual to conform to the more general social interest. Who determines this social interest? In the hands of a dictator or a demagogue, this decision can be detrimental to society. It is a compelling article. I would suggest you read it before you dismiss it as free-market fundamentalism. Friedman concludes:“But the doctrine of “social responsibility” taken seriously would extend the scope of the political mechanism to every human activity. It does not differ in philosophy from the most explicitly collectivist doctrine. It differs only by professing to believe that collectivist ends can be attained without collectivist means. That is why, in my book “Capitalism and Freedom,” I have called it a “fundamentally subversive doctrine” in a free society, and have said that in such a society, there is one and only one social responsibility of business—to use its resources and engage in activities designed to increase its profits so long as it stays within the rules of the game, which is to say, engages in open and free competition without deception fraud.” Enduring AppealOver the years it has been attacked and its central message discredited in the light of the global financial crisis. Even businesses are reluctant these days to invoke shareholder value maximisation as their goal. There have been calls for societal value maximisation, stakeholder wealth creation and conscious capitalism to replace the Friedman doctrine. All good intentions aside, nothing has truly replaced it in how businesses operate. What explains its enduring appeal? Three reasons:* A simple and measurable metric: The shareholder value maximisation goal is easy to set and monitor. It helps that there is a common understanding of the metric. The alternatives are amorphous. It is difficult to understand what does maximising societal value entail, for instance. Who will define what society wants? Are societal objectives of India and the US similar?* Rewarding the risk takers: The shareholders invest risk capital in an enterprise. This willingness to take risk is what leads entrepreneurs to build new products, satisfy the consumers and create new jobs. The shareholders deserve the pursuit of maximum return by the firms for this risk they undertake. It is up to them what they do with these returns. They can invest it in newer enterprises or use it to improve the society as they deem fit. The management or anyone else should have no claim on how to invest the returns that belong to the shareholders.* Shareholders are the residual claimants: Everyone who contributes to the value creation of an enterprise – the employees, the management team and the customers – get their fixed claim on the value through compensation for their efforts, stock options and the value derived from the products or services offered by the enterprise. Only when these fixed claimants are served well, the value for the residual claimant (the shareholder) is maximised. So, the pursuit of shareholder value will by itself serve the other stakeholders well.Rajan’s ReassessmentPromarket, a publication of the Stigler Centre at Chicago Booth School of Business, is marking the 50-year anniversary of the Friedman article with a debate on the social responsibility of business on its pages. Eminent academists like Oliver Hart, Luigi Zingales and Lucian Bebchuk have written with depth and intellect on the relevance of the Friedman doctrine in today’s times. This week Raghuram Rajan weighed in on the debate with an article titled “50 Years Later, It’s Time to Reassess”. Rajan takes a clear-eyed view on what has worked for the Friedman doctrine and where it is fraying. He repeats the usual points that we have listed above in favour of the doctrine. Additionally, he emphasises the political argument of Friedman for shareholder value maximisation that seems relevant in the current times when we are debating the enormous clout of big tech in our lives. Rajan writes:“Finally, Milton Friedman thought that there was a political argument for shareholder value maximization, which keeps the role of the government and the role of the corporation separate. He thought that was important because he felt that corporate social responsibility was a backdoor way for special interests to push what they could not get through Parliament and therefore make rules for the firm which they could not make through legislation. In some sense, this is a very important argument because it says that sometimes, these pressures can be anti-democratic rather than pro-democratic—that because you’re frustrated in Congress or in Parliament, you might try to push that stuff through the backdoor by directly targeting corporations.” But Rajan believes this separation of business from politics that Friedman advocated has turned into its primary problem:“And that leads to what I think is the deepest problem with Milton Friedman: shareholder value maximization means completely turning a tin ear to politics. It sounds sinister. It sounds pro-rich. It sounds evil, even if it may be the right thing to do for society under many circumstances.”I’m not quite sure why something that sounds evil while it might be the “right thing to do for society” needs to change. There are many economic concepts that sound evil or counter-intuitive – efficient market mechanism, free trade, comparative advantage or Ricardian equivalence. They shouldn’t be discarded or changed because of it. Instead, they need to be explained better.But Rajan goes ahead proposing an alternative:“The alternative, in my view, is to maximize the value of long-term investors in the firm. This is different from the Business Roundtable statement, in that you can identify who these long-term stakeholders are. If you are a firm with a lot of impulse customers, they’re not your long-term investors—they come in and buy as they wish. If, however, you have long-term employees, they are long-term investors because their sweat equity is embedded in the firm. Similarly, shareholders, long-term debt holders, long-term suppliers, these are long-term stakeholders. A firm could say, when forced to choose between two stakeholders: I will choose the action that enhances the overall value of these stakeholders.”There is a problem with this formulation – how will you know from the start who will be a long-term investor? For Rajan, the ‘impulse customers’ aren’t long-term investors. But won’t the impulse customer of today be a firm’s long-term customer over time? A similar argument can be made for long-term shareholders or long-term suppliers. They all will have to start somewhere in developing a relationship with a firm. Also, how do you define the length of time that will qualify a relationship as long-term? Not surprisingly, this alternative to shareholder value suggested by Rajan meets the same fate as others. It sounds good on paper but fails to be specific.Rajan comes around to it by the end of his piece:“Corporate boards should take pride in the investors they stand for. Being nice to everyone is, however, infeasible, meaningless, and simply deflection. That is what I take away from Milton Friedman.”Friedman’s doctrine remains the most elegant and practical way for firms to pursue its objectives that deliver the most value to society. For Friedman, enterprises in a competitive market pursuing shareholder maximisation will do well for society. But a monopoly will have to do more. As he wrote:“The participant in a competitive market has no appreciable power to alter the exchange, he is hardly visible as a separate entity, hence it is hard to argue he has any ‘social responsibility.”“The monopolist is visible and has power. It is easy to argue that he should discharge his power not solely to further his own interest but to further socially desirable ends.”So, a firm operating in a competitive market is free to pursue shareholder value maximisation. The shareholders can define the value differently in today’s world that goes beyond monetary rewards. This could include the environment, sustainable growth, or social equity. But for Friedman, this can’t be imposed by others on the shareholders. The decision has to be that of the shareholders alone.A Framework a Week: What Made the US Enable China’s Rise?Tools for thinking public policy— Pranay KotasthaneThis question that has been bugging me over the last few months: what explains that the US — now single-mindedly focused on countering on PRC’s rise — aided and abetted the PRC’s rise in the first place? Despite its enormous intellectual horsepower, why wasn't the US able to anticipate and mount a response to the PRC challenge long before?As it turns out, an incumbent great power enabling the rise of its own future rival is not an anomaly. In fact, that’s the default case. At least that’s the core argument of an excellent book Over the Horizon: Time, Uncertainty, and the Rise of Great Powers by David Edelstein (You can read a top-notch book review by my colleague Aditya Ramanathan here). The book presents a framework that manages to explain the US-China relationship quite well.The core argument in Edelstein’s words is that:… uncertainty about the future reinforces the pressures on state leaders to focus on the short term. Leaders of existing great powers are disinclined to expend considerable resources on an uncertain long-term threat. When existing powers focus on the short term, mutually beneficial cooperation with rising powers becomes more likely. Conversely, the more state leaders become alerted to the potentially threatening long-term intentions of a rising power, the less likely cooperation in the short term with a rising great power becomes.This is a counter-intuitive proposition. Offensive realism theory argues that all that matters is relative power. Regardless of a rising power’s intentions, its rise is reason enough for an incumbent power to confront the contender as soon as possible. And yet, the empirical approach of declining powers has been quite the opposite. European powers cooperated with Bismarckian Germany, Britain capitulated to the American rise, European states, again, co-operated with Germany in the inter-war period, and finally, the US supported China’s entry to WTO and turned a blind eye to PRC’s aggressive actions and increasing capabilities for nearly fifteen years before executing a u-turn.The author argues that this divergence from theory can be explained by taking into account two more variables. Not just relative power, but perceived intentions, and time horizons of states together explain if a declining power will confront, co-operate, or compete with a rising power. The framework that brings together all this is shown below.When a rising power has a long-term focus and a declining power has a short-term focus, the two end up co-operating rather than contesting. This configuration occurs, for instance, when rising powers adopt a “hide our capacities and bide our time” approach. They focus on building long-term capabilities instead of attracting undue attention of the incumbent powers towards them. This is what PRC under Deng Xiaoping and Germany under Bismarck did. If successful, this strategy makes declining powers discount long-term threats and instead focus on short-term gains through co-operation. This is precisely what happened between the US and PRC after the Sino-Soviet split. PRC resisted overt provocation throughout the 80s and 90s, while the US companies and consumers benefited from PRC’s manufacturing prowess. By 2010, PRC’s time horizons changed. Its aggression towards its neighbours signalled that it was now focused on consolidating its position in the short-term. Meanwhile, the US was still focused on the short-term horizon. The aftereffects of 9/11 still loomed large, and the US strategic thinking was preoccupied with other issues — Iraq, Afghanistan, Russia, and Iran. The result was a mixture of skirmishes and pragmatic cooperation between the US and PRC.By 2016, PRC’s continuing arrogance against its neighbours, the BRI ambition, attempts at influencing politics in countries such as Australia, and rapid buildup of technological power meant that the US was forced to extend its time horizon and look at PRC as a structural adversary. The result is that we are heading towards a preventive “war” — a scenario where the US is confronting PRC directly and provocatively not by force (yet) but in trade and technology domains. This framework also explains that a preventive “war” scenario is not inevitable. If there is a rethink in PRC’s approach, a shift to either of the remaining three quadrants is possible. With Xi Jinping at the helm, it looks unlikely though. Despite the perception that PRC thinks long-term, Xi is operating with an extremely short-term time horizon and inviting pushbacks from a host of countries as a result.India Policy Watch #2: No Looking Back On Agriculture ReformsInsights on burning policy issues in India —RSJThe Lok Sabha passed three bills relating to agriculture this week. These bills replace the existing ordinances that came into effect in June. These bills are part of the agriculture reforms package that was unveiled by the FM in May this year. The bills will now be tabled in the Rajya Sabha on Sunday. These reforms were long due. Despite the obvious failures of the state in the farming sector, successive governments balked at reforms. The entrenched ‘aristocracy’ of rich farmers, commission agents and farmer leaders thwarted all attempts. This time is different. For once the numerical advantage of this government and the political capital of the PM are being put to use for structural reforms that will serve us well in the long-term. The small and marginal farmers have suffered under the benevolent tyranny of the state. These reforms will liberate the sector. Yet, there is a minor political storm brewing. Shiromani Akali Dal (SAD), a long-time ally of BJP in the state of Punjab, has opposed the legislations. On Thursday, its lone representative in the Union Cabinet, Harsimrat Kaur Badal, resigned. The SAD leader, Sukhbir Singh Badal, spoke against the bill in Lok Sabha:“These bills have many provisions that go against farmers’ interests. We have repeatedly asked the government that please address the apprehensions of farmers, but the government had done nothing. Therefore, I oppose these bills.”There are farmer protests in Punjab and Haryana against the bills. There is a possibility it could spread to other states. The usual bogey of capitalists and big businesses is being brought up. This is a government that’s especially sensitive to this kind of criticism. We hope it stays the course and uses its formidable skill in setting the narrative to sell these reforms to the farming community. Farmers Aren’t FreeThe reasons for the prot…

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