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    Government & Organizations

    historicly

    You are listening to Historic.ly: a show where we decolonize history and debunk myths taught in school and on corporate media.

    historicly.substack.com

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    Copyright: © Esha

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    Latest Episodes:
    The Retirement Heist With (the non-dead & Non-pedophile) Jeffrey Epstein Sep 11, 2019
    Show notes

    RETIREMENT HEIST: AMERICAN PENSIONS AND THE ART OF BEING EVIL

    Podcast by (the non-billionaire, non-pedophile, non-dead) Jeff Epstein for Historic.ly, recorded August 16-20, 2019. You can find Historic.ly on the web, Twitter, and Facebook. You can find Jeff at Citizens’ Media TV on Twitter, Facebook, and on the web. Music by Wreck Tech, who can be found on SoundCloud and Spotify.

    Copy edited by Ben Szioli

    Editor’s note: page numbers (“[9]”) are provided for those interested in more information on specific statements.

    In 1999, pension funds at most large corporations were fully funded, meaning they could afford to pay all benefits for all employees, for all time – even if they all lived to the age of 100. On top of this, thanks to eight years of double-digit investment returns, in large part due to the dot-com bubble, many companies were sitting on massive pension fund surpluses: $7 billion at IBM, $20 billion at AT&T, $24 billion at Verizon, and $25 billion at GE [9]. These surpluses were intended to serve as cushions against unforeseen problems at the company or in the stock market, as were soon to occur during the housing crisis of 2008.

    Companies complained that these surpluses should be freed up to use for “more productive purposes.” They lobbied the government until 1999, when Congress changed pension law so the surpluses could be used more freely [16]. The conditions of the new law were that the pension funds had to remain fully funded and the money taken was to be used “exclusively for the benefit of pensioners.”

    As thoroughly documented by Ellen Schultz in her book Retirement Heist, this decision was a major factor in the massive incentives for executives to enrich themselves on the backs of millions of retirees, who sometimes paid with their very lives. Draining pension surpluses gave companies many billions of dollars that could be used for unorthodox purposes such as severance for employees who were laid off to keep their pensions from growing. [13-15]. Above all else, however, this money was used to provide executives with lavish performance and exit bonuses [19-23], while benefits for average workers were dramatically reduced or eliminated.

    Since only the surplus could be drained, companies used a loophole to increase the surplus by lowering their pension funding level. They did this by feigning hardship due to what they said was the undue burden of a growing population of retirees (despite their plans being fully funded!). Companies told their employees that if they didn’t reduce future benefits, the company might be forced to declare bankruptcy, and the employees would lose everything. The benefits were then reduced, resulting in a magically larger surplus.

    This cycle continued until the funds were nearly depleted, at which point the company could indeed claim bankruptcy, using the remaining balance in the pension fund to pay off company debtors instead of retirees [24].

    Although this lawlessness existed for decades, the seed from which it grew at high speed was planted around a decade prior. In 1987, accounting standards were established [55] requiring companies to report their pension funds as a liability on financial statements. This meant that taking money out of a pension fund reduced those liabilities and would conversely be reported as earnings – no different than the profit from selling a product. These increased earnings increase investor confidence, which increases stock prices, which in turn results in larger bonuses for executives. Not to mention, the money taken can itself be kept tax- and consequence-free.

    The earnings can also be used as a tool to hide financial problems with precision. For example, between 2003 and 2010, the major appliance company Whirlpool had three large recalls of defective products [78], resulting in substantial losses. However, instead of reporting a loss, they drained just enough money from the pension fund in order to report modest earnings every quarter.

    In other words, slowly draining pension fund surpluses allows companies to hide volatility, pretending to the public (including workers, retirees, investors, regulators, legislators, and law enforcement), year after year, that the company is being run perfectly, regardless what actual difficulties it faced. This false perception of stability is then used to justify even more bonuses for executives.

    So, each dollar taken from a pension fund enriches executives many times over.

    Retirees have attempted to sue in order to recover lost benefits, but unfortunately, companies can reliably lengthen and postpone the proceedings for decades, until the retiree either gives up or dies. Until that point, the company can keep reinvesting the disputed funds, earning more interest. Retirees’ lawyers also cannot be compensated for legal fees unless a judge approves it on a case-by-case basis, making it difficult for retirees to afford litigation. [161-2]

    Yet, grotesquely, companies are free to drain their pension fund surpluses in order to pay their lawyers [20], since the lawyers’ services are ostensibly aimed at “defending the pension fund,” which is, legally speaking, “for the exclusive benefit of pensioners.”

    Finally, pension law does not allow for retirees to be financially compensated for pain and suffering [162]. This means that the worst possible consequence for a company is to have to repay what was originally owed. In Retirement Heist, the author Schultz likens this to being viciously beaten and having your wallet stolen, and the best you can hope for is to get your wallet back.

    So, since workers and retirees have few legal protections, there is nothing to force a company to do better.

    While these crimes (some made legal, some not) are disgusting, what’s really disgraceful is the system that allows it to happen. The private pension industry joins the industries of asbestos, tobacco, healthcare, pharmaceuticals, prisons, and many others, as yet another for-profit monster that has known for decades how its actions and inactions have caused, and still cause, the death and suffering of millions.

    (Above all others, however, is the fossil fuel industry, which threatens untold devastation and suffering for all of humanity, with many of the consequences occurring before our grandchildren even have a chance to live out their natural lives. Yet this genocidal and ecocidal industry is still subsidized by more than a half trillion dollars from the United States government each year.)

    Our government does absolutely nothing to stop these crimes. In exchange for legal bribes from the owners of these companies (in the form of campaign contributions), our elected representatives look away and shrug helplessly while the monsters prey upon us.

    Worst of all, as Modern Monetary Theory (MMT) demonstrates, our government could easily protect and provide (pensions and all other basic human needs) for us all. So when a federal representative tells us that they want to help us but they can’t, they are, to be extremely charitable, incorrect.

    Ellen Schultz’s book Retirement Heist documents the art of being evil; the creativity of evil. It is an endless stream of company after company, each company turning to the one before it, saying, “You think that’s evil? Hold my beer.”

    My interest in reading this book is not to find solutions to all these pension-related crimes and problems, because they are all symptomatic. Instead, my goal is to understand them as context for a system that has lost its way – and hopefully as incentive to do something about it.

    Postscript: Seven years later, the problem persists

    Retirement Heist was published in 2012. As of 2017, 114 multi-employer pension plans are projected to fail within the next twenty years. In addition, the federal agency that insures all American private pensions says that it will run out of money by 2025 – despite MMT demonstrating that Congress could fully fund the agency and all pensions, for all time.

    (To start learning about Modern Monetary Theory (MMT), you can find many expert created resources on the web, Twitter, and Facebook.)

    Disclaimers and corrections regarding what I say in the audio

    * I say “there is no economic reason for the PBGC/the federal government to not be able to pay all pensions for all time.” The word economic should be changed to “financial.” The economy includes money and resources. Financial means money only.

    * Regarding Whirlpool’s recalls, I say they reported a three cent per share gain and then also say nineteen cents per share. To clarify: the loss due to the recall was sixteen cents per share. Whirlpool removed enough money from the pension fund in order to recover that entire loss, plus an extra three cents per share on top. They therefore reported a three cents per share gain.

    * The 1987 accounting rule is mentioned on page 55 in the book. Not 58.

    * When I say “envelopes of cash” during the conclusion, I mean it as a caricature of our corrupt campaign finance system. Speaking literally, the money is in the form of large campaign donations from corporations and billionaires, received either directly or indirectly.

    Here is the video referenced near the start of this podcast:


    This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit historicly.substack.com/subscribe

    Katrina: A Manmade Storm with Greg Palast Sep 05, 2019
    Show notes

    Contrary to popular belief, Katrina did not destroy New Orleans. Rather, it was the oil companies. Today, investigative journalist and author Greg Palast joins us to talk about Hurricane Katrina, Oil Companies and the British Petroleum Disaster. This is a tale of intrigue, fraud and the federal government’s conscience choice that allowed so much suffering.

    DON’T blame the Lady. Katrina killed no one. In fact, she missed the city of New Orleans completely, going wide to the east. It wasn’t Mother Nature that drowned, suffocated, de-hydrated and starved nearly 2,000 people in 2005. Here’s the real story, the one you won’t see in the lamestream media — or hear on National Petroleum Radio…

    Chapter 4, “The Coon-Ass Riviera”, from Vultures’ Picnic.

    Read the rest of the article here

    Greg Palast also made a short film for Democracy Now on Katrina.


    This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit historicly.substack.com/subscribe

    The Legacy of Juan Perón with Ernesto Semán Aug 26, 2019
    Show notes

    Today’s episode will be about Juan Perón and his complicated legacy!

    Against all odds, Donald Trump succeeded in challenging political elites during the presidential campaign. He had not yet won the election, but commentators already struggled to find historical examples to explain the appeal of his vociferous movement. On 11 August, the Financial Times ran an article titled: “Donald Trump Evokes Latin America’s Old Style Strongmen.” The article was illustrated with cartoons of Trump, Venezuelan leader Hugo Chávez, and, yes, Perón. Many followed. “Is Donald Trump a Peronist?” “It’s What Perón Sounded Like.” This time, analysts’ emphasis was not only placed on government intervention in the economy, but on the supposed political irrationality of the lower classes: under economic duress, blue-­collar workers—allegedly unlike bankers or dentists—are prone to support demagogues who trick them into believing that there are easy shortcuts to their daily hardships

    Where did those images associated with Perón come from? How did they arrive in the United States in 2009 or 2016? Many of them were born in the mid-1940s in remote places like León Segovia’s house in the Chaco territory, a region in northern Argentina, eight hundred miles from Buenos Aires. On 9 December 1946, Segovia received a letter with a presidential seal and the signature of President Juan Perón. Segovia was a welder at Las Palmas, a sugar mill that belonged to an Irish couple until a traditional Argentine family bought both it and the entire town. Housing, food, drink, currency—everything was provided by the mill. Of criollo descent and indigenous features, Segovia did not even use the official Spanish language at home.4 Although fluent in Spanish, he spoke mostly Guaraní—a language spoken by native inhabitants of the Chaco Forest—with his parents and friends. Three aspects of Segovia’s life were deeply entangled with the larger national community: he was a member of his union, he had had run-­ins with the National Gendarmerie, and he had voted for Colonel Juan Perón in the presidential elections. His decision to vote for Perón seemed an unlikely one, given that his socialist union had supported the republic in the Spanish Civil War and the Allies in World War II, while Perón was a nationalist who revered Spanish Falangism and belonged to a group of officers with Nazi sympathies.

    In the official letter, President Perón notified Segovia that he had been selected as a student in the training course for diplomatic worker attachés.5 It was a new position within the Argentine foreign service that Perón created a few weeks after taking office. Along with Segovia, approximately one hundred rank-­and-­file union members received similar letters. The General Confed­eration of Labor (cgt) had selected its most valued activists to represent Argentina abroad. A few months later, leaving the country for the first time in their lives, Segovia and forty other labor activists traveled to embassies worldwide with the mission of spreading Perón’s gospel of social revolution. Originating from the small towns of the countryside and the crowded working-­class suburbs of Buenos Aires, the attachés were stationed in Washington, São Paulo, Moscow, Bogotá, and Paris, “as [Perón’s] personal representatives beyond the national borders.” Over the following decade, five hundred labor activists became members of the Argentine foreign service. Self-­described as Perón’s proud foot soldiers, they represent the largest presence of blue-­collar workers in the foreign service of any country in history

    Once abroad, the attachés wielded their own diplomatic position as proof of the swift changes occurring in Argentina under Perón. Nowhere else had workers accomplished so much, reaching positions in a realm usually reserved for elites. As part of their mission, they described the Argentine reality: hundreds of factories—many of them state-­owned—were producing everything from steel to canned food. Unions held unprecedented bargaining power. They managed hotels for their workers at the most scenic vacation resorts. And hospitals and schools were free to all. The attachés showed that the daily caloric intake of an Argentine worker was among the highest in the world. And they emphatically attributed these advances to Perón and his wife, Eva Perón. In diplomatic dispatches, personal letters, and news articles, they reported back to Argentina about a European continent ravaged by the war. From Latin America, they described with ethnographic precision the meager wages of workers at an oil refinery in Peru and the kilometers that Guatemalan peasants at a plantation had to walk between their shacks and the first source of running water. From the United States, they chronicled layoffs at telephone companies, the end of rent regulation, which had benefited low-­income workers during the New Deal, and the massive strikes in the automaker sector. The attachés made sure that the setbacks of unions and the efforts of the business sector to reverse workers’ gains in the United States were widely publicized in Argentina and the rest of Latin America.

    The attachés joined the democratic spring that swept Latin America after 1945. The contrast in the achievements of organized labor at home and the difficulties of workers abroad reinforced their belief in the exceptionality of the Peronist recipe. And this, in turn, provided a class ethos to a long-­standing sense of predestination and to ambitions for regional leadership that ran deep in Argentine nationalism. They promoted Peronism as a path for the expansion of social citizenship for the emerging working class and denounced U.S. foreign policy as an ally of local elites in obstructing that mission. With this basic toolkit of ideas, they allied with the leftist leader Jorge Eliécer Gaitán in 1948 in Colombia and made sure that indigenous people in Peru had a copy of Perón’s Declaration of the Rights of Workers, which had been translated into Quechua by 1950.

    They funded an early venture abroad of a young Cuban law student, Fidel Castro, and befriended an equally young Argentine doctor, Ernesto Guevara. In 1954, a Peronist attaché sheltered members of the future leadership of the Guatemalan guerrilla in the Argentine embassy during the cia-­backed military coup. The attachés confronted U.S. labor diplomats of the American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations (afl-­cio), who had deployed representatives throughout the world since the end of World War II.

    Particularly in Latin America, they had worked closely with the U.S. government, the State Department, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), and the business sector. Labor diplomats became part of the larger U.S. efforts to contain communism by gaining the support of workers in the region for the strengthening of liberal democracy. The U.S. labor diplomats saw Peronism as a fascist threat and worked with U.S. officials in containing Perón’s transnational aims. They shared with Peronism the idea that inequality was a major problem in Latin America. They also argued that democracy could not be achieved without social reform. But they claimed that workers should gain their rights without violent upheavals of social order, which could be used by demagogues (i.e., Perón) to create a totalitarian government that would curtail citizens’ freedoms. The Peronist specter captured the concerns of officials and elites in the Americas.

    By 1946, Argentina was already mentioned as one of the main threats to democratic liberalism in the document that became the blueprint for Cold War containment. And two years later, a U.S. official stationed in Europe reflected, “The threat which gives us the worst case of cold shivers is that of a southern bloc dominated by Argentina.” Attachés like Segovia came to represent this menace to the extent that their actions were eventually described by Robert Alexander, the scholar with the greatest influence on U.S. officials working with organized labor in Latin America, as part of “the whole Peronista propaganda apparatus . . . against the United States [that] outdid even that of the Communists.” By the onset of the Cold War, the image of Peronism as a symbol of social change gone awry was engraved in such a powerful way that it survived the Cold War itself.

    Excerpt from Ambassadors of the Working Class, by Ernesto Seaman

    You can find out more about Ernesto by visiting his twitter page


    This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit historicly.substack.com/subscribe

    Empire of Borders with Todd Miller Aug 08, 2019
    Show notes

    Today, Todd Miller joins us to talk about his new book, “Empire of Borders.” What is going on at the US-Mexico border, is just the tip of the iceberg. The US Security state is worldwide and it is waging a war in on the Poor.

    Excerpt

    We arrived at the Guatemalan military base in Zacapa on a hot morning in early June. In the front there was a closed gate guarded by soldiers in green jungle camouflage and floppy hats, cradling automatic weapons. Zacapa, one of 22 department capitals in the country, sits in the eastern borderlands with Honduras. Its name comes from Nahuatl; it means “river of grass.” From Zacapa, if you wanted to go to Brownsville, Texas—the closest point in the United States—you’d travel almost 1,440 miles overland, mostly up Mexico’s Gulf Coast Highway. But if you wanted to see the U.S. border, you wouldn’t need to travel at all; it has already come to this small city in Guatemala. That’s why I was there.

    I had come with fellow researcher and photojournalist Jeff Abbott to meet with the Chorti task force, Guatemala’s new border patrol, but I wasn’t at all sure they would let us in. We were two hours late. Luckily, the soldiers—who looked as if they were in their late teens—heard me out. I explained the 200- mile journey we’d taken to get to Zacapa from San Pedro Sula, where we’d been the day before. I told them that the buses in Honduras didn’t run at night and the bus driver this morning decided to have a 45- minute breakfast (I was wary about adding this last detail because, really, how could I blame him? But I had to build my case). I told them about the delay at the international border. They nodded because they knew. They knew what it was to travel, to move, to migrate, especially across international borders—so fraught with difficulties, including an endless string of checkpoints. At the Zacapa base, I wondered if any of the soldiers who stood before me, someone perhaps from one of Guatemala’s many poor communities, would be permitted entry into the United States. I wondered how many had tried.

    We live in a world of the included and the excluded, of those who can vacation (and do business) where they please and those who are walled in by borders and armed guards. And many of those armed guards, as was clearly the case with the soldiers at the Zacapa base, would themselves be prevented from crossing a good percentage of the globe’s political borders. ….

    In Zacapa, we waited while one of the soldiers made phone calls. We tried to find shade under the corrugated metal roof overhanging the front gate. From where we stood there was a view of a parched mountain, with “Segunda Brigada de Infanteria C.G.R.C.” (Second Infantry Brigade) inscribed on the ground on the side of the mountain, in large white letters amid bushes and small, shrubby trees under what looked like a cell tower. The military base was in the Central American dry corridor—a long swath of territory that extended into Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and as far as Panama—and at this very moment, on June 2015, they were experiencing a historic drought. For small farmers in the region, the drought was going to eat away harvests, leaving hunger in a place that climate scientist Chris Castro called “ground zero” for climate change in the Americas. These droughts have persisted now for years (in 2009, Guatemalan President Alvaro Colom declared a “state of calamity,” or a famine), and according to Castro, if climate-changing trends continue, it will get worse.

    Not only has the planet’s earth- altering era of climate change, which some call the Anthropocene, been a gut punch to a place like Guatemala, it’s gone hand in hand with an unprecedented thrust in border militarization across the globe. Long- term forecasts have predicted that ecological upheavals are going to drive unparalleled levels of human migration. I had plenty of time to think about all this while we waited for permission.

    Finally, the soldier making the calls returned. “Are you with BORTAC?”

    I was stunned. Had I heard him correctly?

    There was only one possible way that the soldier could have known about BORTAC—the U.S. Border Patrol special forces and tactical unit. Agents of BORTAC must have stood at this gate before. Even in the United States, very few people knew about BORTAC’s SWAT-style operations in the U.S. borderlands, or about its “global response capacity.” Fewer still were aware that BORTAC had conducted “training and operations both in the United States and in other countries in furtherance of the U.S. Border Patrol’s mission.

    About Todd Miller

    Todd Miller is the author of Border Patrol Nation and Storming the Wall, winner of the 2018 Izzy Award for investigative journalism. His writing has been published by the New York Times, TomDispatch, Mother Jones, the Nation, Al Jazeera English, and Salon.

    Click here to purchase


    This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit historicly.substack.com/subscribe

    Confessions of a Border Patrol Agent with Jenn Budd Aug 01, 2019
    Show notes

    Jenn Budd was a border patrol agent between 1994 and 2001. She spills the beans on the daily operations of the border patrol agents. While, these revelations are shocking, things have gotten worse in the last 18 years since she left!

    When Jenn apprehended a family, her first words to her mother were, “ I feel like a Nazi.”

    In this episode, we learn about the crimes, atrocities and much more that fills the border patrol agencies. We also learn about the infiltration of white nationalists.

    You can follow Jenn on Twitter at @buddjenn


    This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit historicly.substack.com/subscribe

    How to Revolt and Succeed with Keith Errol Jul 22, 2019
    Show notes

    Editor’s note: We would like to introduce you to a new partner Jeffrey Epstein (he sadly shares the same name with the more infamous Jeffrey Epstein, but he is not THAT Jeffrey Epstein). He owns the website Citizens’ Media TV and from time to time, he will be doing special episodes that will only enhance your experience.

    About This Episode

    Keith Errol Benson is a historian and the author of the book “The POWER and the Glory: The racial history of America and how to fix it.” He is also an accomplished drummer who can be heard playing on the song “Ain’t No Stopping Us Now,” which was the official song of the 2008 presidential campaign of Barack Obama.

    A primary lesson of Keith‘s book is that, unless popular uprising happens at an extraordinarily fast and broad scale, that uprising is viciously crushed.

    Click here to read the rest of this analysis


    This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit historicly.substack.com/subscribe

    Judge, Jury & Executioner with Brian Mier Jul 15, 2019
    Show notes

    Last year, we covered the evil judicial coup engineered by the think tanks at Washington and Wallstreet against Lula Da Silva, thereby ensuring a Bolosnaro victory.

    However, new allegations have come out about the Judge Sergio Moro in these leaked documents. He was more than an impartial judge. He was actively collaborating with the prosecution to take down one of the most populist leaders in the country.

    Today, Brain Mier from Brasilwire, joins us to talk about this and his new book “Year of Lead. Washington, Wall Street and the New Imperialism in Brazil.”

    Excerpt from Brian Mier’s new Book “Year of Lead. Washington, Wall Street and the New Imperialism in Brazil”

    As empire looked on, the leading candidate was jailed, a rising star was assassinated, and a fascist ascended - in the violent, post-truth hysteria of Brazil's dirtiest election year in modern history. A few months later the newly inaugurated President and his Minister of Justice would walk into the headquarters of the CIA in Langley, Virginia.With twenty one diverse contributors, Year of Lead gives unique firsthand insight into the realities of this enormous country, and how foreign designs on its wealth have again altered the course of its history.A resource on Brazil's crisis, and how it got there.

    We cannot stay silent as social progress and the rights of millions of citizens in Brazil are threatened. We need to ensure the truth is known. This book is timely, necessary, and will infuriate apologists for what is being done to Latin America.

    -Richard Burgon, UK Member of ParliamentShadow Secretary of State for Justice

    Author website

    http://www.brasilwire.com


    This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit historicly.substack.com/subscribe

    Who Shot JFK? Part 2 with Mal Hyman Jul 07, 2019
    Show notes

    Listen to part 1 here

    As Kennedy aide and historian Arthur Schlesinger declared,"we were at war with the national security people." JFK was planning to withdraw combat troops from Vietnam, he proposed a joint space shot with the Soviets, he stopped nuclear testing above ground and was moving to ban all nuclear testing, he was trying to control the CIA, he was exploring diplomacy with Cuba, he pushed through the Alliance for Progress, he was influencing conditions on World Bank loans, he was vigorously prosecuting the mafia, he was pushing to end the oil depletion allowance, he pressed to close 77 military bases and would have retired J. Edgar Hoover. All of that changed after his death.

    Who really killed JFK and why?

    About the Author

    Mal Hyman has taught for 42 years in public schools, a medium security prison, and at Coker College as a professor of sociology. He has done human rights work in eight countries, monitored foreign elections with the UN, and was the Democratic candidate for the US Congress in SC 7th. He is exploring another run for Congress.


    This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit historicly.substack.com/subscribe

    The Democratic Dysfunction with Ryan Grim Jun 28, 2019
    Show notes

    Today, Ryan Grim from The Intercept joins us to talk about his Book "We’ve Got People” and the History of the Democratic Party.

    Book Snippet

    Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez may seem like she came from nowhere, but the movement that propelled her to office – and to global political stardom – has been building for 30 years. We’ve Got People is the story of that movement, which first exploded into public view with the largely forgotten presidential run of the Rev. Jesse Jackson, a campaign that came dangerously close to winning. With the party and the nation at a crossroads, this timely and original book offers new insight into how we’ve gotten where we are – and where we're headed.

    You can find Ryan Grim’s writings on the Intercept. You can also follow him on twitter.


    This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit historicly.substack.com/subscribe

    Iran: Imperial Vengeance with Gareth Porter Jun 18, 2019
    Show notes

    Iran’s sins seems to be overthrowing US puppet dictator, the Shah of Iran. US has never forgiven Iran for that. For much of the past 40 years, the Iranian crisis has been manufactured with a compliant media.

    Gareth Porter is an American historian, investigative journalist, author and policy analyst specializing in U.S. national security policy. He has studied Iran for nearly 30 years. His book Manufactured Crisis, talks about how neocons within various administrations have waged successful misinformation campaigns on the American public. They have falsely claimed Iran is trying to covertly acquire nuclear weapons to support their various interests in the region.

    You can find Gareth Porter on Twitter.


    This is a public episode. If you'd like to discuss this with other subscribers or get access to bonus episodes, visit historicly.substack.com/subscribe

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